North Calcutta wakes slowly on a Sunday morning.

Before the traffic gathers and the markets grow loud, there is a gentler prelude. Birdsong filters through the air. A tram glides past with its familiar metallic sigh. Somewhere a kettle whistles at a roadside tea stall.

Last Sunday morning, standing outside Bethune College, it felt as though the city was stirring not only from sleep but from memory.
Palash and shemul blossoms lay scattered across the pavements like small flames fallen from the trees. The narrow lanes of North Calcutta seemed momentarily suspended between the present and another century.

It was here that the Kadambini Trail began.

A small group gathered before the gates of Bethune College, drawn together by curiosity about a woman who had once dared to imagine a life beyond the expectations of her time.
The walk was led by heritage enthusiast Navpreet Arora. Walking alongside us was Dr Madhurima Vidyarthi, whose historical novel The School for Bad Girls served as both inspiration and narrative thread for the walk.

Before we began, Vidyarthi shared a reflection that lingered throughout the morning.
“History is always written by the victors,” she said. “But we rarely notice how history is being made around us. In this city, every brick has a story to tell.”
To follow Kadambini’s footsteps is to step into the intellectual ferment of nineteenth-century Bengal, the era known as the Bengal Renaissance.
Colonial Calcutta was then a city restless with debate. Western education had begun reshaping intellectual life, and reformers were questioning customs that had long defined society.

The questions that animated these debates now sound deceptively simple.
Should girls go to school?
Should women attend colleges?
Yet in the nineteenth century these questions unsettled the very foundations of social order.

Across western India Savitribai Phule had already begun opening schools for girls. In Bengal, reformers such as Keshab Chandra Sen and Dwarkanath Ganguly championed women’s education through the reformist circles of the Brahmo Samaj.
Meanwhile Annette Akroyd Beveridge helped establish one of the earliest advanced institutions for girls in Bengal.

Yet the social world that reformers hoped to transform remained deeply restrictive. Women from elite households often lived behind purdahs, travelling in covered palkis carried by beharas.

Against this landscape, the ambitions of Kadambini Basu carried the quiet audacity of rebellion.
Her path into higher education was not straightforward. In the entrance examination of December 1878 she fell short by a single mark. The following year she joined Bethune College, where Dwarkanath Ganguly served as both professor and mentor.
Her achievement soon altered the course of history.

Together with Chandramukhi Basu, Kadambini became one of the first two female graduates not only in India but across the British Empire.
At the annual convocation of Calcutta University on 25 March 1879, Vice-Chancellor Alexander Arbuthnot referred cautiously to “one young lady educated at Bethune School” who had passed the entrance examination with great credit.
The remark stirred murmurs across the hall.

That young woman was Kadambini Basu.

For women in colonial India, the university had suddenly become the threshold to a brave new world.
As the walk progressed through North Calcutta’s streets, Vidyarthi paused at several points to read excerpts from The School for Bad Girls. The novel traces the journey of Kumud, a fictional protagonist who becomes a widow at the age of eleven and must confront the emotional and social hardships of nineteenth-century Bengal.
Through Kumud’s struggles, the book evokes the resilience of women who refused to surrender their dreams.

One passage conjured a quiet yet powerful image.
Kadambini studying late into the night. A candle burning beside her books. The flame flickering and nearly dying out.
Yet she keeps reading.
The candle grows smaller and smaller.
Still she does not stop.

The image felt almost symbolic of the quiet persistence required to challenge a world that had never imagined women inside its institutions.
The trail unfolded as an ongoing conversation between Vidyarthi and Arora, interspersed with historical anecdotes about the city and it’s past.
Cornwallis Street, now Bidhan Sarani, appeared repeatedly in that narrative. In the nineteenth century it had been one of the busiest thoroughfares of Black Town. Palanquins moved through its lanes. Torchbearers carrying flaming moshals lit the streets after dusk. Students, reformers and intellectuals animated the neighborhood.
But the street was also a crucible of political awakening.
Here the echoes of the Swadeshi Movement once reverberated. Indigenous handlooms were promoted. British goods were boycotted. National weaving schools emerged as symbols of resistance.

The trail paused outside a house associated with the revolutionary organization Anushilan Samiti, whose members later became linked with the Alipore Bomb Case.
At another moment, Vidyarthi read from an imagined diary entry reflecting Kadambini’s nationalist consciousness.

“The upliftment of women, of society, of a nation,” the entry reads. “How I wish I could do something to help.”

Near Sadharan Brahmo Samaj, the walk paused once more.
Down a narrow alley stands the house where Kadambini and Dwarkanath Ganguly once lived after their marriage.

Across the lane stands a dilapidated structure long known as Abala Barrack, associated with House No. 13 Cornwallis Street where the couple lived for several years. The nickname carried a hint of irony. Dwarkanath’s outspoken advocacy for women’s education had earned him the title Abala-Bandhab, or friend of women.
Residents stepped outside as the group gathered, their curiosity turning into delight as the history of the house unfolded.

Moments like these revealed something essential about heritage. It does not exist only in monuments or archives. It lives in neighbourhoods, in memory and in conversation.
For Sukanya Mitra, Assistant Professor of History at Loreto College, the experience carried particular resonance.

“I have been on a few heritage walks and I have also conducted walks myself,” she said. “But for the first time I have been on a walk where a woman’s story gained momentum. Although I know this neighborhood, today I encountered many nuggets of history that I had not really come across in books. It felt like situating history within a lived reality.”
Navpreet Arora reflected that her personal take away from the trail was the satisfaction of giving people a renewed sense of pride in their heritage.

“I hope people go back and read about trailblazing women like Kadambini who have shaped the contours of the city’s cultural reality. I hope this trail inspires people to rediscover and fall in love with this city once again.”

Beepsa Biswas, founder of The Marketing Poet Agency, emphasized that experiential events like these aim to connect readers with stories in meaningful ways.
“Our aim is not just numbers,” she said. “We want people who are genuinely enthusiastic about this history. Experiential events like these engage people in a very unique way.”
For Vidyarthi, the impulse to write Kadambini’s story began with a question that continues to resonate.

“When did the women of Calcutta begin their journey into science?” she reflected. “What legacy did our scientific grandmothers leave behind and what will we leave behind for future generations?”
As the walk concluded, I returned to the words that frame the end of her book.
“It is not a sin to fulfil my dream, my ambition, the potential I know I possess. It is what I would wish every girl would do, sweeping away every hindrance in her path. Tomorrow will be a new beginning.”

By then the city had resumed its ordinary rhythm.
Trams rolled past again. Shops reopened. Markets filled with the familiar sounds of bargaining.

Yet something of the morning lingered.
In the narrow lanes of North Calcutta, history does not simply remain in the past.
It waits quietly, for someone to walk by and listen.

Leaving behind the polished marble and refined elegance of Milan, I boarded a train bound for the Ligurian coast. In just about two hours, the landscape transformed—from urban sophistication to rugged cliffs and shimmering sea. The transition felt almost theatrical, as though Italy had changed costumes between acts.

Arrival in Cinque Terre is like stepping into a painting.

The five villages—Monterosso, Vernazza, Corniglia, Manarola, and Riomaggiore—cling precariously to steep hillsides above the Ligurian Sea. Multicolored homes—peach, coral, saffron, rose, and ochre—appear stacked upon one another with improbable precision. From a distance, they resemble deliberate brushstrokes against the green terraces and the deep blue of the Mediterranean. It is almost impossible to believe that such harmony emerged not from an artist’s imagination but from generations of fishermen and farmers shaping life along unforgiving cliffs.

The sea itself commands attention. A brilliant, almost hypnotic blue, it stretches endlessly toward the horizon, punctuated by gently floating boats that rock in patient rhythm. The harbors are intimate, framed by stone walls and pastel facades that seem to lean toward the water as if engaged in quiet conversation.
As sunset approaches, the sky softens into hues of gold, lavender, and muted pink. The sea mirrors those colors, shimmering like molten glass. For a brief moment, everything glows—the houses, the cliffs, the anchored boats—bathed in a gentle Mediterranean radiance that feels both fragile and eternal.

Then darkness descends slowly, almost tenderly. One by one, lights flicker on inside the hillside homes. What had been vibrant splashes of color in daylight transforms into something even more magical at night. The illuminated windows resemble tiny lanterns suspended above the sea. The villages become constellations clinging to the cliffs—human stars scattered against the vastness of water and sky.

If Milan dazzles with marble and measured elegance, Cinque Terre whispers with color and intimacy. One is a symphony of structure; the other, a poem written in light and sea breeze. And it is in experiencing both—the urban sophistication and the coastal dreamscape—that one begins to understand the many faces of Italy.

(The writer is professor emeritus at Loyola Marymount University, Los Angeles.)

Guess who’s back with another no-filter take? Kangana Ranaut has once again stirred the pot, this time calling out the power game in Bollywood, and she isn’t holding back.

Taking to Instagram Stories, Kangana dropped a sharp observation about the film industry. According to her, in India, big actors often overshadow, and even “bully”, filmmakers.

Also Read: Ban? What ban! Pakistani journalist publicly watches ‘Dhurandhar 2: The Revenge’ in Lahore, internet reacts

She compared this with Hollywood, where directors enjoy equal or even bigger status than actors. She cited names like Steven Spielberg, Quentin Tarantino, and Christopher Nolan to make her point clear: directors there are the real stars.

Praise for Aditya Dhar’s big win

But this wasn’t just a rant. It came wrapped in praise. Kangana was celebrating the success of ‘Dhurandhar 2’ and especially its director, Aditya Dhar.

She called him a “superstar director” and said his success is a big moment for filmmakers in India. According to her, Dhar’s rise could inspire young people to dream beyond acting, and finally consider careers behind the camera.

“Overworked, underpaid, and bullied”

Kangana didn’t sugarcoat the struggles of filmmakers. She claimed they are often “overworked, underpaid and bullied,” which discourages new talent from entering technical fields like direction or cinematography.

In her words, everyone wants to be an actor because that’s where the fame and power lie. The result? A serious lack of aspiring filmmakers and technicians in the industry.

Here’s where the gossip kicks in.

While praising ‘Dhurandhar 2’, Kangana didn’t tag its lead star Ranveer Singh or any other cast member. Fans were quick to notice this subtle omission. This sparked chatter online about whether it was intentional shade or just coincidence.

In the early hours of a winter morning in Murshidabad, elderly fishermen still speak of a time when the wetlands seemed endless. Nets cast at sunrise would return heavy with indigenous fish, migratory birds darkened the sky in seasonal rhythms, and families gathered edible aquatic plants that sustained both diet and dignity. Wetlands were not seen as separate from life; they were life itself — regulating water, shaping agriculture, and nurturing cultural practices passed down across generations.

Today, many of those wetlands have shrunk into fragmented pools or disappeared altogether beneath soil, settlements and silent neglect.

A recent scientific study released during the observance of World Wetlands Day 2026 has sounded an alarm not only for Murshidabad district but for India’s broader ecological future. The research reveals that wetlands in the district — once among the richest freshwater ecosystems in eastern India — are vanishing at a pace significantly faster than national and global averages, exposing deep gaps between environmental policy and ground-level governance.

The findings arrive at a moment when India, one of the world’s most wetland-rich countries, faces mounting ecological stress from climate change, rapid urbanisation and competing developmental priorities. Murshidabad’s story, therefore, is not merely regional; it is emblematic of a nationwide environmental paradox — strong conservation laws coexisting with accelerating ecosystem decline.

Wetlands: India’s Invisible Infrastructure

India hosts nearly 4.6 per cent of the world’s wetlands, ranging from Himalayan high-altitude lakes
and floodplain marshes to coastal mangroves and inland oxbow systems. These ecosystems perform functions that scientists increasingly describe as “natural infrastructure.”
They recharge groundwater, mitigate floods, filter pollutants, store carbon, sustain biodiversity and support millions of livelihoods — especially among rural and marginal communities.

Yet wetlands have historically suffered from a perception problem. Unlike forests or wildlife reserves, they were often classified as “wastelands” in colonial and postcolonial land records, making them vulnerable to conversion for agriculture, housing and industry.
Murshidabad exemplifies this contradiction.

Situated within the dynamic Ganga–Padma river basin, the district contains the highest concentration of wetlands in West Bengal. Formed through centuries of river meandering and sediment deposition, these beels and floodplain lakes function as ecological regulators for south Bengal’s hydrological system.

Often called the “kidneys of south Bengal,” they absorb floodwaters during monsoon, release moisture during dry seasons and sustain fisheries that support thousands of households.
But this delicate ecological system is now under severe strain.

Mapping Three-and-a-Half Decades of Loss

The study, conducted by researcher Subhasis Das of Raja Narendralal Khan Women’s College (Autonomous) under Vidyasagar University and supervised by geographer Dr Pravat Kumar Shit, uses satellite imagery from 1990 to 2025 combined with extensive field surveys between 2019 and 2025.

Fourteen major wetlands were analysed, including Ahiron Lake, Bonsabati Beel, Balagachhi Reservoir, Chhatiyani Beel, Chaltia Beel, Bishnupur Beel, Bilpatan, Bil Belun and Char Sujapur.

The transformation revealed by spatial analysis is stark.
In 1990, these wetlands collectively covered 5,524.7 hectares. By 2025, only 1,700.2 hectares remained — representing a loss of nearly two-thirds of wetland area within 35 years.

The annual decline rate of approximately 2.1 per cent is almost three times the global average and significantly higher than India’s national rate of wetland loss.
“The wetlands of Murshidabad are in deep crisis,” Dr Shit noted. “Legal frameworks exist, but enforcement remains weak. Unplanned land filling and expansion continue largely unchecked.

The numbers reflect not sudden destruction but cumulative erosion — thousands of small interventions gradually transforming entire landscapes.

India’s Policy Framework: Strong on Paper, Weak in Practice

India is not lacking in environmental legislation. The Wetlands (Conservation and Management) Rules, 2017, introduced under the Environment (Protection) Act, mandate identification, notification and protection of wetlands by state governments.
The rules prohibit encroachment, land filling and waste dumping while requiring states to establish wetland authorities and management plans.
Additionally, India is a signatory to the Ramsar Convention on Wetlands, committing to sustainable wetland conservation at an international level.
Yet implementation remains uneven.

The Murshidabad study shows that many wetlands remain unnotified or poorly monitored, allowing gradual encroachment without regulatory intervention. Administrative fragmentation — involving revenue departments, irrigation authorities, local bodies and environmental agencies — often results in unclear jurisdiction.

Across India, similar patterns are visible. Urban wetlands in cities such as Bengaluru, Hyderabad and Kolkata have shrunk dramatically due to real estate expansion and infrastructure development. Rural wetlands face agricultural conversion pressures driven by population growth and economic necessity.
The result is a governance gap where laws exist but ecosystems continue to decline.

Pollution, Agriculture and Changing Rural Economies

Beyond physical encroachment, ecological degradation is accelerating through pollution.
The Murshidabad research identifies agricultural runoff containing pesticides and fertilisers, untreated municipal sewage and traditional jute retting as major contamination sources. While jute retting is historically embedded in Bengal’s agrarian economy, reduced water circulation and shrinking wetland size intensify pollution impacts.
Water quality deterioration directly affects biodiversity. Wetlands that still retain water often show declining oxygen levels and altered nutrient balance, weakening ecological resilience.

Wetland health assessments categorised several water bodies — including Chaltia Beel, Bishnupur Beel, Bil Belun and Bilpatan — as being in poor or very poor condition. Others were rated below normal, indicating widespread ecological stress.
The transformation reflects broader shifts in India’s rural economy, where intensified agriculture and population pressure increasingly compete with ecological sustainability.

Broken Hydrological Connections

One of the study’s most significant findings concerns disrupted river–wetland connectivity.
Historically, wetlands were linked to nearby rivers through seasonal channels that allowed water exchange, sediment movement and ecological renewal. These natural connections maintained biodiversity and prevented stagnation.

Today, only four of the fourteen studied wetlands retain functional river connections.
Embankment construction, altered river courses and land encroachment have severed hydrological links, transforming dynamic ecosystems into isolated water bodies prone to weed infestation and pollution accumulation.

This phenomenon is not unique to Murshidabad. Across the Indo-Gangetic plains, flood-control infrastructure has altered natural water flows, often solving immediate flooding problems while creating long-term ecological vulnerabilities.

Biodiversity Decline: A Quiet Extinction

The ecological consequences are increasingly visible.
Indigenous fish species such as pabda, boal, vetki, khaira, chanda and kholsa — once common in local markets — are rapidly disappearing. Fishermen report declining catches and rising operational costs.

Aquatic plants like shaluk, water chestnut, kalmi shak and gima shak, traditionally consumed by rural households, have declined sharply. Their loss represents both nutritional and cultural erosion.

Migratory birds, long indicators of wetland health, are arriving in fewer numbers each winter. Local residents who once witnessed vibrant seasonal birdlife now describe prolonged ecological silence.

Such biodiversity loss reflects a broader national trend. India has witnessed steady decline in freshwater species due to habitat fragmentation, pollution and climate variability.

Economic Costs of Ecological Decline

Wetlands underpin rural economies in ways often overlooked by formal accounting systems.
Using comparative data from 2019 and 2025, the Murshidabad study estimated ecosystem service values — including fisheries, agriculture support, water supply, fodder, jute retting and tourism.

The value declined from USD 89.75 million per hectare per year in 2019 to USD 86.96 million in 2025, an annual reduction of about 0.46 per cent.
Though gradual, such losses accumulate into significant livelihood impacts. Wetland-dependent communities face declining incomes, increased seasonal migration and heightened economic vulnerability.

At a national level, economists increasingly argue that ecosystem degradation imposes hidden costs on development by increasing disaster risks and reducing natural resource productivity.

Traditional Knowledge and Community Stewardship

The irony of the crisis lies in its timing. World Wetlands Day 2026 emphasised traditional ecological knowledge — practices through which communities historically sustained wetlands through collective norms and seasonal regulation.
In Murshidabad, elders recall customary rules governing fishing seasons and vegetation harvesting. These informal systems balanced use with regeneration.
As wetlands shrink or become privately converted, such community governance structures weaken. Conservation efforts that exclude local participation often struggle to succeed.
Experts argue that India’s future wetland policy must integrate scientific monitoring with community stewardship rather than treating conservation solely as regulatory enforcement.

Climate Change and the Bengal Delta

The disappearance of wetlands carries implications beyond biodiversity.
Eastern India faces increasing climate uncertainty — erratic rainfall, intense floods and prolonged dry spells. Wetlands act as natural climate buffers, absorbing excess water during heavy rainfall and sustaining moisture during drought.
Their loss reduces landscape resilience.
For the Bengal delta region, already vulnerable to climate change, wetland degradation could intensify hydrological instability, affecting agriculture, drinking water availability and disaster management systems.
Murshidabad thus represents a frontline case in India’s climate adaptation challenge.

Institutional Response and Public Awareness

Despite growing scientific evidence, institutional responses remain fragmented.
A Wetland Protection Committee formed in Murshidabad in 2017 has struggled to curb encroachment. Activists allege that nearly 28 wetlands face ongoing filling activities daily, often proceeding faster than administrative intervention.
Environmental governance in India frequently suffers from limited monitoring capacity, overlapping jurisdictions and competing development pressures.
Equally significant is the lack of public awareness. Wetlands rarely evoke the emotional or political urgency associated with forests or wildlife conservation, allowing gradual loss to proceed with minimal scrutiny.

A Choice Before India

The Murshidabad study ultimately raises a larger question: can India pursue rapid development without undermining ecological systems that sustain long-term stability?
Experts argue that the solution lies not in halting development but redefining it. Wetlands must be recognised as productive ecological assets rather than vacant land awaiting conversion.

Restoration strategies proposed by researchers include:

Immediate legal notification of remaining wetlands
Restoration of river connectivity
Pollution control through improved wastewater management
Community-led monitoring systems
Integration of traditional knowledge into conservation planning
Inclusion of ecosystem valuation in development decision-making

The Last Window of Opportunity

As dusk settles over surviving wetlands in Murshidabad, fishermen continue their routines, though catches are smaller and uncertainty larger. Older residents remember waters stretching far beyond today’s shrinking boundaries — reminders of how quickly ecological change can unfold within a single lifetime.

Wetlands rarely disappear dramatically. They fade gradually, filled inch by inch, polluted season by season, forgotten policy by policy.

The Murshidabad findings serve as both warning and opportunity — a chance for India to reassess how it values its freshwater ecosystems at a time when climate risks and environmental pressures are intensifying.

If action remains delayed, researchers warn, the district’s wetlands could vanish within a generation.

And with them may disappear not only biodiversity and livelihoods, but an entire ecological heritage that once defined the rhythm of life across Bengal’s water-rich plains.

I almost couldn’t believe it when Aditidi told me about TIPs.

The idea that one day peace would prevail in the world is a utopian dream that many of us nurture. There are those of us who do not understand why or how humanity, gifted with the faculty of reason, can engage a plethora of their limited time in this world to causing destruction and waging wars. It seems a ridiculously futile pursuit to try to grab everything for oneself when we can really take nothing with us when we go. I have always coveted the freedom of birds to fly high in the sky and float away into other lands. The freedom of rivers to flow through countless countries. And the freedom of the fish which dwell in these to go, literally, with the flow.

Why can’t we humans do that? I used to wonder.

Oh but wait. Humans have actually done exactly the opposite. We have stifled nature’s spontaneity. We have strewn her path with the debris of our destructive proclivities. We have caught the birds and put them in cages. We have caught fish before they can swim to their spawning pools and put them in frying pans. We have stopped rivers from flowing into other nations so that our bitter enemies cannot drink from its sweet waters.

Ironic that only destruction knows no bounds. I have always been awestruck by cyclones, hurricanes and typhoons because they can twirl all over the ocean and without so much as a by-your-leave, bulldoze through borders and rampage passport-less from one land to another, wreaking havoc irrespective of race, religion.

Cannot peace do that?

“Peace needs to be waged, just like wars are,” my friend journalist Sujan Dutta says when I ask his views on the current scenario playing out in the middle of the world. He is a war correspondent who has, for over two decades, covered conflicts and wars in India and different parts of the world including Iran, Iraq, Palestine, the Gaza strip, not to mention the Kargil War of 1999. I have asked him to write an essay on what he means by that and I am going to share it with our readers here. To me it would seem that we need to inculcate values of peace into younger generations.

Therefore, in a moment of serendipitous synchronicity, I was struck by what Aditidi said one day recently. The veteran journalist told me that she has joined The Tagore Institute of Peace Studies as its Dean. In her inimitable style she told me with a cryptic smile, “Yes, there is such a thing now.” Clearly, she read my mind.

Founded by Sitaram Sharma, TIPs as it is also known as, comes as a breath of fresh air at a time when the air, globally, is filled with the reek of gunpowder. TIPs is an appropriate acronym for an organization that is trying to usher in not just peace in the world but which is endeavoring to inculcate values of common good. It is the need of the hour.

Sharma, who has had a decades-long association with the United Nations including as Chairman of IFUNA (Indian Federation of United Nations Associations) and really whose achievements are too many to list in a single column, has always envisaged the creation of such an institute. In an interview, which I am going to share extracts of in a subsequent edition, he said that he had to surmount a great deal of cynicism but had persevered in his dream of founding TIPs. An articulate orator, Sharma’s speeches are sprinkled with generous dozes of humor. “We intend to give ‘tips’ to those who need it most on how to be peaceful,” he said tongue-in-cheek during a recent event at the institute’s office in South Kolkata.

Tips, which is also a think tank, has been organizing a host of innovative programs. One of Aditi Di’s ideas was to discuss amongst schoolchildren the ways of dealing with the issue of war through dialogue and diplomacy with a unique game. The kids had to device strategies around an impending Kurukshetra War in which they played characters from the epic Mahabharat and were engaged in a roundtable discussion. Whether war ensued or peace, the youngsters got thinking about the idea….of war and ways of averting it.

The writer is Editor, Features

Mounting pressure within the DMK-led alliance has prompted the party leadership to draw a hard line, asking its partners to accept the proposed seat-sharing formula by Monday (March 23) or risk delays in finalising electoral arrangements.

With the Assembly elections scheduled for April 23, the ticking clock has added urgency to the negotiations.

Despite multiple rounds of discussions, key allies such as the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK), the CPI(M), and the Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK) have not yet signed on to the numbers offered by the DMK.

The lack of consensus has created unease within the coalition at a crucial juncture, as preparations for filing nominations are set to begin soon.

The VCK has been among the most vocal in expressing its dissatisfaction. Party leader Thol Thirumavalavan, in a strongly worded video message, conveyed the party’s disappointment over what it sees as an inadequate allocation. However, insiders indicate that backchannel negotiations are continuing, and a compromise could be on the cards.

Meanwhile, the CPI(M) has intensified internal consultations to assess its options.

The party leadership convened a series of high-level meetings to deliberate on the DMK’s offer, which is understood to be lower than its expectations.

While the Left party is weighing its response carefully, it has not yet communicated its final stand to the DMK.

The DMDK, which joined the alliance in the run-up to the elections, has maintained that talks are still in progress. Party leaders have indicated that both the seat count and constituency distribution will be decided only after a mutually agreeable formula is reached, suggesting that negotiations remain fluid.

Adding another layer of complexity, the Makkal Needhi Maiam (MNM), led by Kamal Haasan, has declined the DMK’s suggestion to contest under the alliance symbol.

The party has made it clear that it intends to retain its own ‘Torch Light’ symbol, a position that the DMK leadership is still evaluating.

With the deadline looming, the coming days are expected to be decisive in shaping the final contours of the DMK-led alliance as it gears up for a high-stakes electoral contest.

President Droupadi Murmu on Sunday led the nation in extending greetings on the occasion of Bihar Day, highlighting the state’s rich historical legacy and its continued contribution to India’s development.

In a post on X, President Murmu said, “Heartfelt greetings of Bihar Day to all the people of Bihar residing in the country and abroad. As the land of the world’s first republic, and along with it, the birthplace of glorious empires and great cultural-spiritual traditions, this soil has always enriched the land of India by making contributions in various fields. I am confident that the residents of the state, with their boundless talent and hard work, will play an important role in the development of Bihar and the entire country. I extend my best wishes for a golden future to the state and all its residents.”

Prime Minister Narendra Modi also conveyed his greetings, emphasising Bihar’s role in India’s progress. In his message, he said, “On the occasion of Bihar Day, heartfelt greetings to all my family members in the state. Our province, which imparts grandeur and divinity to India’s heritage, is today engaged in crafting ever-new chapters of progress. I am confident that the dedication and capability of the hardworking and energetic people here will greatly contribute to realising the resolve of a developed Bihar alongside a developed India.”

Union Home Minister Amit Shah highlighted Bihar’s intellectual and cultural contributions. He said, “Renowned for its rich culture, traditions, and unique arts, Bihar has always shown the country the path to social justice and intellectual awakening. From the glorious tradition of knowledge at Nalanda and Vikramshila to the freedom struggle and the Emergency period, Bihar has made invaluable contributions to nation-building in every era. Today, Bihar is creating new benchmarks of progress and advancement by preserving its vast heritage and traditions. Heartfelt greetings of Bihar Day to all sisters and brothers of Bihar.”

Union Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan extended his wishes, stating, “Heartfelt congratulations and best wishes to all the residents of Bihar on the Foundation Day of Bihar state, the land blessed with a rich culture, glorious history, spirituality and revolutionary fervour, and the birthplace of great ascetics and noble souls!”

Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar also greeted the people and called for collective efforts toward development. He said, “Heartfelt congratulations and best wishes on the occasion of Bihar Day. Bihar’s history has been glorious, and at present, we are shaping a glorious future for Bihar through our determination. I call upon all of you to fulfil the resolve for a prosperous Bihar. Together, we will take Bihar’s pride to new heights.”

Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath also extended his wishes, stating, “Heartfelt congratulations and best wishes to all the residents of Bihar on the Foundation Day of Bihar, the land of revolution, enriched with popular faith and cultural splendour. Under the illustrious guidance of the Hon’ble Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi Ji and the able leadership of the Hon’ble Chief Minister Shri Nitish Kumar Ji, may the state of Bihar, progressing on the path of good governance, establish new benchmarks of prosperity and all-round development — this is the prayer to Mother Janaki and Lord Shri Ram.”

On March 22, 1912, Bihar was carved out of the Bengal Presidency, marking the beginning of its distinct identity.

With over a century of history, the state is celebrating its 114th Foundation Day this year. Over the course of its remarkable journey, Bihar has produced numerous eminent personalities who have left an indelible mark in diverse fields, including politics, literature, sports, and business, earning recognition and respect both nationally and globally.

Tensions in West Asia sharpened on Sunday after US President Donald Trump warned that the United States would strike Iran’s power infrastructure if the Strait of Hormuz is not reopened within 48 hours. The statement points to a possible shift in the conflict, away from military targets and towards critical civilian systems, with potentially serious humanitarian and economic fallout.

With the clock now ticking, the next two days could prove decisive, not just for the region, but for global energy flows and market stability.

The 48-hour ultimatum

In a post on Truth Social, Trump said Iran must ensure the Strait of Hormuz is “fully open, without threat” within 48 hours. Failing that, he warned, the US would begin targeting Iranian power plants.

He added that any such strikes would begin with “the biggest one first,” a remark that has drawn attention to the country’s largest electricity facilities.

The warning comes at a time when shipping through the strait has already been disrupted, fuelling concerns over oil supply and pushing up global energy prices.

Why this marks a significant escalation

What stands out in Trump’s warning is the nature of the targets. Power plants are not frontline military assets; they are part of a country’s core civilian infrastructure.

Hitting them could trigger effects far beyond the battlefield:

• Prolonged power outages across cities
• Disruptions in hospitals and emergency services
• Water and sewage systems failing
• Wider humanitarian strain on the population

In practical terms, such strikes would impact daily life for millions, raising the stakes of the conflict considerably.

Focus shifts to the ‘largest’ target

Iran operates several large power stations, including the Damavand plant near Tehran (around 2,868 MW), Kerman in the southeast (about 1,910 MW), and the Ramin plant in Khuzestan (roughly 1,890 MW).

Because Trump specifically referred to “the biggest,” attention has centred on the Damavand facility, one of the country’s most important power hubs.

Reports suggest such high-capacity gas-based plants could be among potential targets if the threat is carried out.

Why Damavand is strategically important

The Damavand plant plays a key role in keeping electricity flowing in and around Tehran, a region with heavy demand and dense population.

• Capacity: roughly 2,868 MW
• Location: Pakdasht, near Tehran
• Type: combined-cycle gas plant

Facilities like this help stabilise the grid and meet peak demand. A disruption here would likely ripple across the wider network, affecting both households and industry.

Iran’s warning of retaliation

Iran has made it clear that any strike on its infrastructure will not go unanswered.

The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has indicated it could respond by targeting US and allied infrastructure in the region.

That raises the risk of a broader cycle of attacks, potentially extending beyond military sites to energy, transport and other critical systems.

For now, the crisis appears to be entering a more dangerous phase, where the line between military and civilian targets could become increasingly blurred.

Amid the global supply chain crisis, a large cargo ship carrying liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) from the US has arrived at the Mangalore Port in the country.

Pyxis Pioneer cargo ship carrying LPG from the US state of Texas, successfully docked at the port.

Before the ship from the US, named Aqua Titan, reached India, another vessel carrying Russian crude oil also reached Mangalore, reports NDTV.

This particular vessel was stationed about 18 nautical miles away from the port. The single-point mooring system will be used to transfer the oil to the pipeline system and take it to MRPL.

The Russian crude oil arrived after the US issued a temporary general license, permitting the sale of Russian crude oil already stranded at sea as of March 12.

The move is aimed at stabilising global fuel prices amid the tensions in the Middle East.

Meanwhile, India has sharply increased its purchases of Russian oil. The move came shortly after the United States allowed India to temporarily boost its imports of Russian oil.

The surge in buying is aimed at managing supply concerns after disruptions in Middle Eastern oil supplies due to the ongoing conflict involving Iran.

Earlier, the Indian‑flagged liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) tanker ‘Nanda Devi’ arrived at Vadinar Port in Gujarat, becoming the second LPG carrier to reach the west coast this week after ‘Shivalik’ docked at Mundra Port.

Both vessels transported critical LPG supplies to India following an unusually hazardous passage through the Strait of Hormuz, where maritime traffic has been disrupted by the ongoing conflict involving Iran, the US and Israel.

A total of 22 Indian-flagged vessels with 611 Indian seafarers remain in the western Persian Gulf region and DG Shipping is monitoring the situation in coordination with ship owners, RPSL agencies and Indian Missions.

The Group of Seven (G7) nations on Sunday strongly condemned Iran’s attacks on civilians and key infrastructure across multiple countries in the Middle East, expressing firm support for regional partners facing what it termed “unjustifiable attacks”.

In a joint statement, the G7 Foreign Ministers — representing Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States — along with the High Representative of the European Union, voiced solidarity with countries affected by the escalation.

The statement said the group extends support to its “partners in the region in the face of the unjustifiable attacks by the Islamic Republic of Iran and its proxies.”

“We condemn, in the strongest terms, the regime’s reckless attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure, including energy infrastructure, in Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Jordan, and Iraq, in line with UNSC Resolution 2817,” the statement read.

The G7 nations warned that Iran’s actions not only endanger the targeted countries but also pose a broader threat to regional and global security, urging Tehran to immediately halt its military activities.

“They threaten regional and global security,” the statement said, calling for the “immediate and unconditional cessation” of all such attacks.

The group also stressed the importance of ensuring the safety of critical maritime routes and global supply chains, particularly in the strategically vital Strait of Hormuz.

“We reaffirm the importance of safeguarding maritime routes and safety of navigation, including in the Strait of Hormuz and all associated critical waterways, as well as the safety and security of supply chains and the stability of energy markets. We stand ready to take necessary measures to support the global supply of energy, such as the stockpile release decided by International Energy Agency members on March 11,” the statement read.

Reiterating long-standing concerns, the G7 said Iran must not be allowed to develop nuclear weapons and called on it to halt its missile programme and regional activities.

The grouping stated that Iran “must never obtain” a nuclear weapon and urged it to “halt its ballistic missile program”, “end its destabilising activities” in the region and beyond, and “cease the appalling violence and repression against its own people”.

At the same time, the G7 underlined the right of affected nations to defend themselves against such attacks.

“We support the right of the countries unjustifiably attacked by Iran or by Iranian proxies to defend their territories and protect their citizens. We reaffirm our unwavering support for their security, sovereignty, and territorial integrity,” the statement added.

The grouping also condemned recent attacks in Iraq, particularly those targeting diplomatic facilities and energy infrastructure.

“We condemn the brazen attacks in Iraq by Iran and its militias against diplomatic facilities and energy infrastructure, particularly in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, and against US and Counter ISIS Coalition forces, and the Iraqi people,” the statement said.

Tensions in West Asia escalated sharply on Sunday as the United States intensified its warnings against Iran amid the ongoing conflict involving the US, Israel, and Iran, with the strategic Strait of Hormuz at the centre of the crisis.

US President Donald Trump issued a stark 48-hour ultimatum to Iran, threatening to target and “obliterate” its power plants if Tehran fails to ensure the Strait of Hormuz is fully open and free of threats. In a post on Truth Social, Trump said that if Iran does not “FULLY OPEN, WITHOUT THREAT” the vital shipping route within the specified timeframe, the United States would begin strikes, “starting with the biggest” power facility.

Responding to the escalating rhetoric, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) asserted that Iran has achieved “missile dominance” over Israeli airspace. In a post on X, Moosavi warned that upcoming waves of attacks would introduce new tactics and launch systems that would leave US and Israeli commanders “dumbfounded.” He added that skies over southern parts of the “occupied territories” would remain “illuminated for hours” due to sustained strikes.

The Strait of Hormuz, a critical global oil transit chokepoint, has become a flashpoint in the broader confrontation, with fears of disruption to energy supplies and further military escalation looming large.

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US President Donald Trump speaks in a way unlike any of his predecessors. His distinctive and highly recognisable style may even play a role in his appeal to his political base. Since the infamous Access Hollywood tapes, he has got away with saying things none of his predecessors would have ever dreamed of saying in public. This is particularly striking in a country that was shocked to learn in the 1970s that Richard Nixon used dirty words in the Oval Office.

Scholars have described Trump’s rhetorical style as “unbalanced vituperation”, stressing his constant use of demeaning language, false equivalences and exclusion. Even more strikingly, a recent study found Trump’s use of violent vocabulary, especially language linked to war and crime, represents a radical departure from US political tradition. Since the beginning of the war with Iran, Trump’s rhetoric has become even more combative and outrageous, marking an even sharper shift from the language used by his predecessors in similar occasions. What effect does this have and what does it tell us about the commander-in-chief’s state of mind? Trump announced the death of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei by calling him a “wretched and vile man”.

Later, in a Truth Social post, he called him “one of the most evil people in history” and referred to “his gang of bloodthirsty thugs”. A few days later, he continued denigrating leaders of the Iranian regime, describing them as “deranged scumbags” whose killing was for him a “great honor”. He has also insulted Mojtaba Khamenei, who succeeded his father as Iran’s Supreme Leader, describing him as “unacceptable” and a “lightweight”. He also stated during an interview that he believes Mojtaba is alive but “damaged”. Americans are no strangers to their presidents using strong language to describe adversaries. Ronald Reagan famously referred to the Soviet Union as an “evil empire”, and George W. Bush warned of an “Axis of Evil”.

Yet such rhetoric rarely extended to personal insults against individual foreign leaders. Leaders generally bring a mood to these speeches that recognises their words will be frightening for many people. It also acknowledges that in a war situation, lives will inevitably be lost. George W. Bush, for example, simply stated that US forces “captured Saddam Hussein alive”. Barack Obama announced to the nation Osama bin Laden’s killing by addressing the mastermind of the worst terrorist attack on US soil simply as “Osama bin Laden, leader of al Qaeda, and a terrorist”.

Trump has also shown little restraint in issuing threats. At the beginning of the conflict he stated in an interview that they had not even started hitting Iran hard and that the “big wave” was coming soon. He later posted on Truth Social that he was ready to hit Iran “twenty times harder” and threatened to “make it virtually impossible for Iran to ever be built back, as a Nation, again”, adding that “death, fire and fury will reign [sic] upon them”. At one point, he even suggested that he might strike Iran’s Kharg Island oil export hub again “just for fun”. This language is not only vitriolic.

It also is in sharp contrast with the rhetoric of past US presidents who often emphasised restraint in the use of force and showed willingness to de-escalate military conflicts. Previous presidents have been very clear about the strength of the US military, but they have also tried to focus on diplomacy and negotiation. Obama, talking about Syria, famously remarked that “the United States military doesn’t do pinpricks”. Yet, moments later, he asked Congress to postpone a vote authorising the use of force while his administration pursued diplomatic options. Nixon stated during the Vietnam war that “The peace we seek to win is not victory over any other people, but the peace that comes ‘with healing in its wings’; with compassion for those who have suffered; with understanding for those who have opposed us; with the opportunity for all the peoples of this Earth to choose their own destiny”.

Trump’s threats of escalation also raise concerns about the safety of civilians and the protection of critical infrastructure. He recently stated he “didn’t do anything to do with the energy lines, because having to rebuild that would take years”. This remark suggests some awareness of the consequences of such actions. Even so, earlier presidents often distinguished explicitly between military targets and civilian populations. George H. W. Bush, during the Gulf War, declared “our quarrel is not with the people of Iraq. We do not wish for them to suffer”. In 2003, George W. Bush warned Iraqi military and civilian personnel: “do not destroy oils wells, a source of wealth that belongs to the Iraqi people. Do not obey any command to use weapons of mass destruction against anyone, including the Iraqi people”. It is still unclear why Trump’s rhetoric is so violent and so far removed from the language of virtually every US president before him.

A 2020 study found Trump’s foreign policy rhetoric often aims to create a sense of crisis to mobilise his domestic base – or distract from political troubles at home. Some observers argue Trump has used, or even manufactured, national crises as a mechanism to expand executive power through emergency declarations. Whether this is the case in the current war with Iran remains to be seen. But words certainly matter. On 19 December 1945, US President Harry S. Truman issued a special message to Congress recommending the Department of War and the Department of the Navy be merged into a single “Department of National Defense”. Between 1947 and 1949, Congress and the executive branch implemented this proposal. Many other countries went through a similar process in the postwar period, replacing the language of “war” from the name of their departments and ministries with the more restrained term “defence”.

Seventy-six years later, in 2025, Trump reversed that tradition with an executive order renaming the Department of Defense as the US Department of War. This same executive order clearly states that the new name demonstrates a willingness to fight wars at a moment’s notice. And the reason is not only to defend, but to “secure what is ours”. Viewed in light of the current war with Iran, those words provide some insight into the administration’s thinking. They also invite reflection on other words coming out of the administration and its supporters, including the “Gulf of America”, the idea of Canada as the “51st state”, and even the far-fetched “Trump 2028” chant.

(The writer is Professor & Director, Jeff Bleich Centre for Democracy and Disruptive Technologies, Flinders University. This article was published on www.theconversation.com)

Few scandals in recent memory have shaken public confidence in institutions as profoundly as the revelations surrounding the late financier Jeffrey Epstein. What initially appeared to be the story of a wealthy man engaged in criminal behaviour gradually revealed something far more disturbing: a network of privilege and influence that allowed abuse to flourish for years. Epstein was not an obscure criminal operating on the margins of society. On the contrary, he moved comfortably within the highest circles of wealth and power.

His social orbit included political leaders, billionaires, celebrities, academics, and influential figures from across the world. His homes and private aircraft became gathering places for individuals whose wealth and status placed them among the global elite. The disturbing implication is that the scandal was not merely about the crimes of one individual, but about the social environment that enabled those crimes to persist. For years, Epstein maintained extraordinary access to influential people even after serious allegations about his conduct had surfaced. That fact raises an unavoidable question: how could a man widely accused of exploiting vulnerable young girls continue to enjoy the company and confidence of the powerful? The answer lies partly in the culture that often surrounds extreme wealth and privilege.

In elite social circles, influence and money create environments where scrutiny becomes uncomfortable. Invitations to exclusive gatherings, access to private networks, and the promise of financial opportunity produce relationships that discourage confrontation. In such settings, troubling truths can remain hidden in plain sight, not necessarily because everyone is unaware, but because acknowledging them would disrupt a world built on mutual advantage and social deference. The Epstein scandal therefore illustrates how power can distort accountability. Allegations surfaced repeatedly over the years, yet meaningful consequences were slow to follow. Legal proceedings moved cautiously, investigations stalled, and the voices of victims struggled to gain attention.

For the young women who came forward, the imbalance of p ower was overwhelming. Many came from disadvantaged backgrounds and found themselves confronting not merely a wealthy individual but an entire social structure shaped by prestige, money, and influence. Their experiences reveal how systems of privilege can silence the vulnerable, especially when the accused inhabit social circles that command admiration and authority. In societies that claim to uphold equality before the law, such outcomes should provoke deep reflection. Justice cannot function effectively if wealth and status create invisible barriers to accountability. The perception that powerful individuals operate under different rules is perhaps the most corrosive consequence of this scandal. When citizens begin to suspect that the law applies differently to the rich and the influential, trust in institutions inevitably begins to erode.

Courts, investigators, and law-enforcement agencies derive their legitimacy from the principle that no one stands above the law. When that principle appears compromised, the credibility of the entire system comes into question. The case also raises a broader issue about how modern societies respond to wrongdoing within elite circles. Extreme wealth often brings with it a powerful social shield. Individuals who move within exclusive networks benefit from prestige, influence, and access to resources that ordinary citizens c anscarcely imagine . Their reputations are protected by institutions that may depend on their patronage, donations, or political connections. In such circumstances, allegations against influential figures frequently encounter hesitation rather than decisive action. Journalists may face pressure to tread carefully, institutions may worry about confronting powerful benefactors, and legal processes may move slowly when complicated financial and political interests are involved.

The cumulative effect is a culture in which silence becomes easier than accountability. Such silence can have devastating consequences for victims. Many of the young women who accused Epstein of abuse spent years struggling to be heard, their voices overshadowed by the prestige of those surrounding him. Yet their persistence eventually forced the world to confront uncomfortable realities. Their courage reminds us that systems of privilege are not invincible. When victims speak out and investigative journalism exposes hidden truths, even powerful networks can b e challenged. Nevertheless, the fact that such exposure required extraordinary persistence should trouble anyone who believes in the fairness of democratic institutions.

Throughout history, societies have often granted moral exemptions to the rich and powerful. Wealth and success create a halo effect that discourages skepticism. Individuals who accumulate extraordinary influence frequently acquire a level of admiration that shields them from scrutiny. Their connections span politics, business, academia, and culture, forming networks in which criticism can feel like betrayal. Yet accountability requires precisely that willingness to question power. A society that refuses to scrutinize its elites risks creating an environment in which privilege becomes a substitute for responsibility and reputation replaces justice.

Ultimately, the Epstein scandal represents more than a criminal case; it is a test of society’s moral resolve. The protection of the vulnerable must remain the highest priority of any civilized community. Children and young people deserve the full protection of the law regardless of the wealth or influence of those who might harm them. When justice appears selective, the moral foundations of society begin to weaken and public trust begins to crumble. History reminds us that injustice rarely survives without the quiet cooperation of those who choose not to question it. When silence protects power, wrongdoing thrives – and when silence becomes the norm, complicity becomes inevitable.

(The writer is Professor Emeritus of Communication Studies, Loyola Marymount University, Los Angeles.)

The US Federal Reserve’s decision to hold interest rates steady is less a mark of confidence than an admission of constraint. Policymakers are confronting a familiar but uncomfortable scenario: inflationary pressure driven not by domestic demand, but by geopolitical shock. The Iran conflict has pushed oil prices upward, and with them, the cost structure of the global economy. In such a moment, monetary policy begins to look like a blunt instrument. Under chairman Jerome Powell, the Fed has chosen caution. That caution is understandable.

Inflation, which had been gradually cooling, now risks re-acceleration due to energy costs and the lingering effects of tariffs introduced by President Donald Trump’s administration. Yet, the labour market remains relatively stable, and growth forecasts have not collapsed. This leaves the central bank caught between two incomplete signals: prices are rising again, but the economy is not clearly faltering. What makes this moment more complex is the nature of the inflation itself. Oil shocks are historically resistant to interest rate policy. Raising borrowing costs will not increase crude supply from the Gulf, nor will it ease shipping disruptions or geopolitical risk premiums.

At the same time, cutting rates to pre-empt a slowdown could entrench inflation expectations, particularly if energy prices remain volatile. The Fed is, in effect, responding to a supply-side problem with demand-side tools. This uncertainty is already visible in financial markets, where rate-cut expectations are being repeatedly pushed back, signaling that investors themselves are unsure whether inflation or slowdown will dominate the months ahead. This mismatch explains the current pause. It is not indecision so much as recognition that any decisive move could be counterproductive. The central bank’s projections ~ slightly higher inflation, steady unemployment, modest growth ~ suggest a narrow path where the economy absorbs the shock without tipping into recession. But such projections rest on fragile assumptions: that oil prices will stabilise, that tariffs do not amplify cost pressures further, and that consumer sentiment holds. There is also a deeper structural shift at play.

The global economy is entering an era where geopolitical risk is no longer episodic but persistent. Conflicts in energy-producing regions, trade fragmentation, and tighter migration policies are all reshaping supply conditions. In this environment, central banks may find their traditional playbook increasingly inadequate. The tools designed for managing cyclical demand are less effective against recurring external shocks. The Fed’s current stance, therefore, is best understood as strategic restraint. It is buying time ~ waiting for clearer data, for oil markets to settle, and for inflation trends to reassert direction. But this waiting game carries its own risk. If inflation proves more durable, delayed action could force sharper tightening later. If growth weakens suddenly, the Fed may find itself behind the curve. The real conclusion is stark: monetary policy alone cannot stabilise an economy buffeted by geopolitical forces. The Fed is not just pausing; it is operating at the edge of its relevance.

India is not facing a jobs crisis in the conventional sense. It is facing a utilisation crisis ~ of talent, education, and aspiration. Each year, millions of young Indians enter the labour force with degrees in hand, often as first-generation learners. Over the past three decades, the country has dramatically expanded access to higher education, driven largely by private institutions and supported by policy frameworks shaped by bodies like the University Grants Commission. Enrolment has broadened across caste and class lines, signaling real social progress.

Yet the labour market these graduates encounter is structurally misaligned with their expectations. The problem is not merely unemployment; it is that the economy is producing too few quality, salaried roles that match the skills being created. This is why unemployment rates are often higher among graduates than among the less educated ~ a paradox that has persisted since at least the time of economist Joan Robinson. The deeper issue lies in India’s growth trajectory. Unlike the export-led industrialisation seen in South Korea or Taiwan, India’s post-liberalisation model has leaned heavily on services, particularly IT and business process outsourcing. Institutions such as NASSCOM have helped position India as a global services hub. But this success has come with limits: services are skill-intensive and selective, not mass employers. As a result, the economy has split into two tracks.

At the top, a narrow segment of highly skilled workers secures stable, well-paying jobs. Below them lies a vast informal sector where most young people eventually end up ~ often after years of searching ~ taking up self-employment, gig work, or low-productivity roles. Over time, aspirations adjust downward, but the initial mismatch leaves lasting scars: delayed careers, lost earnings, and diminished confidence. This also explains a subtle but troubling shift. Increasingly, even educated young men are returning to or remaining in family-based work ~ farms, small shops, informal enterprises ~ not out of choice but necessity. What was once largely invisible female labour is now absorbing male graduates as well, signaling a regression in employment quality, not progress. Policy responses have so far focused on supply ~ more education, more skills and more training. Flagship initiatives like the Skill India Mission aim to enhance employability.

But this approach assumes that jobs will follow skills. In reality, without a parallel expansion of labour-intensive sectors, particularly manufacturing, skills alone cannot solve the problem. Time is the binding constraint. India’s demographic advantage, long celebrated as its greatest economic asset, will begin to narrow within a decade. If the current cohort of young people is not productively absorbed, the country risks converting a potential dividend into a long-term liability. The real question, then, is not how many jobs India can create, but what kind of economy it is building ~ one that concentrates opportunity among the few, or one that can absorb the many. Until that question is answered decisively, India’s most educated generation may also become its most underutilised.

Since 1993 the global community has been observing every year on March 22 the World Water Day (WWD) focusing attention on the importance of fresh water and advocating for sustainable management of water resources. A core focus of WWD is to support the achievement of Sustainable Development Goal 6 on water and sanitation for all by 2030. Since women and girls are disproportionately affected by water-related challenges due to entrenched gender roles, inadequate infrastructure, under representation, etc., the WWD 2026 calls for a rights-based approach where women have equal voice, leadership and opportunities for water decision making.

Thus, the theme of WWD 2026 is “Water and Gender Equality”. The role of women in water governance was initially considered in 1992 at the International Dublin (Ireland) Global Conference. Principle 3 of the Dublin Statement establishes that women play a central part in the provision, management and safeguarding of water and therefore, positive policies need to be adopted not only to address the specific needs of women with respect to water, but also to empower them to participate at all levels of the water resources programme, including decision making and implementation. It was also observed that although in households, women are primary providers of water resources, around the world, they are rarely involved in water management.

Even today the world is still far from achieving gender equality in water and sanitation. These challenges are now exacerbated by the consequences of climate change. As water scarcity, heat waves and droughts are now common, women and girls walk greater distances to fetch water. In many cases this can affect girls’ chances for being enrolled in schools. A study shows that a one-hour time reduction in water collection can increase girls’ enrolment in educational institutions. Ensuring safe and widespread access to WASH (Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene) for women and girls contributes to gender equality and their inclusion in society.

Until recently menstrual hygiene was completely overlooked in water and sanitation places, excluding women and girls in public life. During this time girls miss school, and women are sometimes forced to stay at home affecting their employment. Thus, we generally risk the 2030 SDG Agenda, as access to water and sanitation are human rights. When families are unable to enjoy their rights, their health is immensely affected, curtailing their education and employment opportunities and denying their full role in society. The SDG 5 (Gender Equality), SDG 6 (Clean Water and Sanitation) and SDG 13 (Climate Action) are interrelated and the Paris Agreement also endorses gender response action as essential for climate resilience.

Integrating a gender responsive approach is not only fair but also necessary. When women participate fully, communities benefit from a wide range of perspectives, strong local ownership and innovative problem-solving approaches for achieving sustainable, equitable water solutions. Globally 26 per cent of women and girls (1.1 billion) lack access to safely managed drinking water; in 53 countries where data exists, women and girls spend 250 million hours per day on water collection, which is over three times more than men and boys; worldwide only two out of five schools provide menstrual health education; adolescent girls and women living in rural areas are more likely to use reusable materials to manage menstruation and to have no improved water services on the premises; 1.8 billion people in the world still do not have drinking water on their premises and in two out of three households women are primarily responsible for water collection; adolescent girls aged 15 to 19 years are less likely to participate in work, school and social activities during menstruation compared with women aged 20 to 49; fewer than 50 countries have laws and policies that specifically mention women’s participation in rural sanitation and water resources management, while supplying almost half of all agricultural labour in low and middle income countries, and women’s agricultural productivity is on an average 20-30 per cent lower than male farmers.

(FAO 2017, WHO/UNICEF 2019-25, UN Water 2021, UN Women 2024-25). In 2019 the government introduced the Jal Jeevan Mission (JJM) scheme (called Har Ghar Jal) for enhancing rural water governance for achieving SDG goals and providing clean water access to rural households. Till 11 February 2026, out of 19.25 crore rural households in India, about 15.88 crore get piped water access in their homes. JJM’s initiative is not for creating infrastructure but for water service delivery. Village Water and Sanitation Committee/Pani Samiti or user groups (with 50 per cent women participation) are required to plan, implement, manage, operate, and maintain their own water supply systems.

Four key pillars of government such as People’s Participation, stakeholder participation, political will, and optimum utilization of resources define the spirit of the JJM. People’s participation or Jan Bhagidari is also an important pillar for success. JJM made space for women to share water supply decisions directly and it has developed a gender-responsive approach to water management by empowering women while improving water service delivery. JJM’s decentralized community-owned approach means that women are not only consulted but they are also decision makers.

In Bundelkhand region, these JJM programmes offer training to farmers in developing technical skills like constructing check dams and participating in rainwater harvesting. Under the JJM schemes five persons, especially women, in every village are being trained to check the quality of water supply using simple ‘ready to use’ kits. JJM mandates 50 per cent women’s representation in Village Water and Sanitation Committees. Women are increasingly involved in testing, maintaining and managing water infrastructure. Women are increasingly involved in technical and operational roles such as managing water supply systems. In Odisha women take the role of water managers and independent water users breaking away from traditional restrictive roles.

Gujarat incentivizes women-led water committees. In Himachal Pradesh women are actively involved in rainwater harvesting projects ensuring that during the dry season there is continuous water supply. ‘Nari Shakti Se Jal Shakti’ schemes promote water conservation in many states such as Rajasthan, Maharashtra, Himachal Pradesh, etc. In Maharashtra women play an important role in adopting micro-irrigation techniques for increasing water-use efficiency in agriculture. In Rajasthan, women-led groups build check dams, leading to improved ground water levels and ensuring water availability. Despite the progress as indicated above, women’s participation is often restricted by patriarchal norms particularly in decision-making processes regarding water distribution, pricing, maintenance etc.

There is a need to reverse this trend in the near future. In the Water Policy of the Central and state governments, there is a need to emphasize women empowerment in all aspects of water management. The Bundelkhand approach on water management should be followed in other states for women’s participation in decision making in water governance. SDG Goal 5 (Gender equality) should be addressed in all water programmes in the country. Women should be water leaders, water managers, and technical experts in water governance and conservation. There is a need to ensure legal and policy reforms that support equal rights of women in water management.

Second, by using AI techniques, adequate data and knowledge on women’s participation in water management should be publicized effectively. Third, in every water programme, incentives to women should be given. These could be financial incentives or clear and well publicised recognition. The Women Water Champion Programme (WWCP) of the National Water Mission which recognizes 41 women every year at grassroots level for leading efforts in water conservation and amplifying women’s voice in decision-making, should be adequately publicized and effectively implemented.

Such programmes should also be introduced in all states of India. Fourth, capacity building of women for water management should be adopted by involving different stakeholders, experts, NGOs, policy makers etc. There should be a facilitating platform for women, for showing the best practices influencing water policies. Finally, SDG 13 (Climate Action) stresses the need to take urgent action to combat climate change and its impacts. Since women and girls will be most affected in water resource management for water access, climate resilient remedial action should be addressed in all government policies/programmes.

(The writer is Senior Advisor, TERI, New Delhi and a former Secretary, Ministry of Water Resources, Govt. of India)

US President Donald Trump has threatened that the United States would target Iranian power plants if Iran fails to fully reopen the Strait of Hormuz within 48 hours.

In a post on Truth Social, Trump said, “If Iran doesn’t FULLY OPEN, WITHOUT THREAT, the Strait of Hormuz, within 48 HOURS… the United States of America will hit and obliterate their various POWER PLANTS, STARTING WITH THE BIGGEST ONE FIRST.”

Earlier, Trump urged US allies and major global economies to take responsibility for securing the vital shipping route, while rejecting calls for a ceasefire in the ongoing conflict involving Iran.

“We don’t use the Strait, the United States, we don’t need it… Europe needs it, Korea, Japan, China… so they’ll have to get involved,” he told reporters, framing the issue as a shared international responsibility.

Trump described reopening the strait as “a simple military manoeuvre,” though he acknowledged it would require coordination and scale. “It’s relatively safe, but you need a lot of help… You need ships, you need volume,” he said, adding that NATO had “so far haven’t had the courage” to act.

He also called on Indo-Pacific partners such as South Korea and Australia to take a more active role, expressing surprise at their reluctance.

At the same time, Trump made clear that the United States would not pause its military campaign despite increasing international calls for de-escalation. “You don’t do a ceasefire when you’re literally obliterating the other side… We’re not looking to do that,” he said.

Trump further claimed that Iran’s military capabilities have been significantly degraded, stating, “They don’t have a navy, they don’t have an air force… they don’t have anti-aircraft… their leaders have all been killed at every level,” suggesting the campaign is nearing its objectives.