Indian Knowledge Systems (IKS) encompass all forms of human thought and action derived from the culture of the Indian subcontinent over the course of thousands of years. These encompass philosophical and religious literature (Vedas, Upanishads, and Darshanas), along with medical practices (Ayurveda), mathematics, astronomy, linguistics, visual arts, architecture, social theories, legal systems, and pedagogical methods. IKS does not separate aspects of existence, including knowledge, morals, religious observance, governance, and craft; rather, it views them as interrelated by shared meanings and ultimate goals.

Another point to clarify is that IKS does not represent one doctrine, but is a collection of teachings, exchanges, and arguments. Each school of thought represented in Vedic literature (the Mimamsa school, the Nyaya school) is distinct; nevertheless, they share commonalities in their approach to understanding faith. The Buddhist and Jain schools each evolved their own routes of thought that sometimes mirror one another; on the other hand, the oral traditions of local craft people, and vernacular literature were all part of the evolving environment in which the various philosophies developed. Many of the strands share common elements: the importance placed on experience as a teacher, the ethical ramifications of one’s views, the relationship between a guru and his shishya, and the goal of transforming either one’s personal character or society via knowledge.

IKS in its nature carries a set of values, practices, and institutions through which Indians were able to explore reality, create ethical lives, and produce the technologies and arts necessary for human flourishing. This definition is based upon three forms of inquiry, Epistemic (how do I know); Practical (what do I do with this knowledge), Normative (why do I seek out such ends). The Core Insight is articulated by the following statement, “The Indian Knowledge System holds that Jñāna (knowledge) and Guṇa (virtue) are inseparable; therefore, the true measure of learning is how one acts and conducts themselves.”

Thus, this definition includes the basic and most important characteristic of Bhartiya Gyan Parampara that if anyone knows something, it must be apparent in his/her action and behavior. Most people tend to believe that they have gained an education simply by learning a list of propositions about various subjects or acquiring new pieces of information. However, according to many Indian concepts of enlightened education, the definition of knowledge is different. According to the philosophy of IKS, knowledge is much more than a collection of facts; it is also based upon the relationship of each fact to the context in which it was created and the purpose for which it was intended.

In addition, many Indian philosophers emphasise the importance of realization (Pratyaksa or anubhuti) as a higher form of knowledge. Unlike merely agreeing intellectually with what you have learned, realization is about how learning has changed you as a human being. Under this view of learning, when you develop an understanding of a particular subject, that subject will not be fully understood until you have experienced a change in the way you perceive the world, the way you behave toward others, and the way you think about yourself. Similarly, realization is the process by which you develop an understanding of how to make wise decisions about your life.

When learning has reached the level of realization, moral discretion, health practices, and how to live a balanced life based upon experiences in this world will guide your actions. Therefore, at the last level of the hierarchy, re-emphasizing the need for development wisdomasa foundation for living a productive life with balance between ethics and technology will provide the best means for educating future generations of humans. Several recurring features help distinguish IKS from other knowledge traditions. A deep understanding of Indian Knowledge is the unity of existence. This idea is conveyed in the phrase “ Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam” (The world is one family). All parts of the universe are connected, including the cosmic dimension, the natural world, society, and the individual. We do not exist alone in our own right; all forms of knowledge, all modes of truth, and all expressions of art and science exist together as an integral part of the same consciousness.

For example: Ayurveda derives insights from Sām. khya (cosmology and metaphysics), Nyāya-Vaiśes. ika (logic and atomism), and Dharmaśāstra (ethics and duty), embodying a union of philosophy, science, and morality. Vāstu Śāstra integrates Jyotisha (astronomy), Shulba Sūtras (geometry), and ecological principles, creating harmony between space, nature, and human habitation. The R. g Veda’s earliest sign of an integrated vision can be found in verse 1.164.46: “Ekam sat viprā bahudhā vadanti.” This means, “Truth is one; the wise say in multiple ways.” This verse represents Advaita or the philosophy of oneness; it reflects the concept that even though there are many diverse paths, disciplines and experiences lead to the same ultimate truth.

Indian knowledge tradition is not only about theory, but also focuses on application, experience, and outcome. Each field of study has an established metric by which to determine the effectiveness of its application. In the tradition of India, knowledge is validated by the results obtained from experience or the effects an individual’s actions have had on his/her world – not simply by theory (i.e., abstract thought). The concept of using “Prayojana” is the basis for this practical orientation. In IKS, the process of enquiry (anves. an. a) is not carried out in a value-neutral way. The act of acquiring knowledge is inherently ethical, purposeful, and transformational.

Its end ambition is not only to know what truth is, but also to enable the flourishing of Dharma, Artha, Kāma and Moksa collectively known as the Purusharthas (the fourfold goals of human life). While modern Western views may see fact as separate from value and science as separate from ethics, Indian epistemology does not have such a separation and sees them as being inseparable aspects of truth. In IKS, the concept of knowledge does not exist without that of values. Wisdom is the highest level of truth realisation and it must uphold life, justice and harmony. The process of enquiry is therefore directed by the principle of Lokasamgraha – “the good and oneness of all beings.”

In Arthaśāstra, moral conduct is linked to economic policy; ensuring that the governance serves as the foundation for balance and justice in society. In the Bhagavad Gītā, Karma, or action, illustrates that action is a means of self-purification and that we collectively uplift each other by taking action aligned with duty and compassion. The Guru-Shishya Parampara or the teacher-disciple lineage is the spiritual and pedagogical foundation of IKS. In this living model, the guru is not only an instructor of facts but a mentor, moral guide, and spiritual guide. The goal of education is not the accumulation of information, but the awakening of wisdom (jnāna) and refinement of character – sadācāra. In IKS there are three stages of learning:

1) Descriptive narrative by the guru;

2) Deep reflection on the truth to know the meaning and alleviate doubt, and

3) Meditative contemplation that leads to realisation whereby transformation results. The oral tradition has allowed for direct dialogue, experiential learning, clear-headed reasoning, and moral cultivation. It is within this visual dialogical format that true humility, devotion, and discipline exist and are necessary for true learning. Exemplary Classical Dialogues such as the Gārgī and Yājñavalkya dialogue (Br. hadāran. yaka Upanis. ad 3.6.1 – 3) illustrate a rational, dialogical form of pedagogy that encourages inquiry and reasoning in spiritual discussions, irrespective of gender.

The concept of “epistemology” within philosophy acknowledges that different modes of knowing can be valid sources of information, and therefore Indian philosophy includes multiple philosophical traditions (darśanas) existing together, debating each other, and adding to the cumulative quest for understanding. Indian philosophers realised that one way of viewing reality does not provide the complete view of what is real. Hence, multiple sources of knowledge were identified as valid methods of obtaining knowledge:

1. Pratyaks.a (perception) – Knowledge that you have because of your direct experience through either your senses or your intuition;

2. Anumāna (inference) – Knowledge that you derive using your ability to think logically;

3. Śabda (testimony) – Knowledge based on reliable and trustworthy verbal reports, particularly those you receive in the form of testimony from the Vedas and/or from other sages or ‘enlightened’ beings;

4. Upamāna (comparison) – Understanding that comes through analogy or resemblance to some other examples;

5. Arthāpatti (postulation) – Knowledge inferred from the existence of o there circumstances when no direct evidence exists and,

6. Anupalabdhi (nonperception) – Knowledge of what is not there, using this form of knowledge in Advaita Vedānta. The pluralistic framework makes IKS dialogical rather than dogmatic, open to discussion and reinterpretation. The Indian tradition of ideas is maintained through commentaries as a continuity rather than an element of discontinuity. The texts are treated as living entities that grow with intervening generations through various levels of understanding. Rather than destroying the initial productions, Indian scholars continue in an evolving process of dialogue with texts, and the result is the creation of multiple levels of interpretations including the following: Bhās.ya (Commentary – Analytical explanation), Tīkā: (The explanations or additions given to the text) and T. ippanī (Notes/Annotations – Supplementary insights for the original text).

This ensures the preservation as well as renewal of knowledge. We have a beautiful example for this tradition: the Vadrayana-written Bhahmsutra which is the original text for vedant darshan. Govindpata wrote Mahābhāsya on this, Śan· kara’s commentaries on reviving this, and the emergence of Rāmānuja and Madhva schools of thought in response to Śan· kara are classic examples of tradition and continuity of knowledge tradition. It is this hermeneutic tradition which has sustained Indian Knowledge Systems through the ages, with dialogue within themselves which transcends time. This tradition, which thinks about cosmic well-being, is the best way to lead the world in a sustainable way.

(The writer is Assistant Professor, KSAS – Lucknow & INADS – USA.)

Odisha has reached a decisive point in its higher education and industrial development trajectory. While the State has steadily expanded its technical and professional education base, it remains without a nationally significant institution capable of anchoring advanced pharmaceutical education and research. The absence of a National Institute of Pharmaceutical Education and Research (NIPER) continues to limit Odisha’s ability to fully realise its pharmaceutical potential.

The demand for a NIPER in Odisha is neither new nor opportunistic. Since 2012, academic stakeholders and professional bodies, including the Odisha Pharmaceutical Industries Forum (OPIF) and the Indian Pharmaceutical Graduates’ Association (IPGA), have consistently pursued this objective. The proposal was formally placed before the Union Ministry of Chemicals and Fertilizers during Mr Srikant Jena’s tenure as Minister, and the case was articulated at the national level. Subsequently, former Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik conveyed the State’s readiness to the Centre, assuring institutional support and the availability of suitable infrastructure.

Odisha’s claim rests not merely on precedent but on proven capacity. The State has a long tradition of nurturing pharmaceutical education, with roots tracing back to the 17th century, and today hosts a substantial network of pharmacy institutions that collectively produce thousands of diploma, undergraduate and postgraduate graduates each year. Yet, the absence of a research-intensive national institution such as a NIPER has led to a sustained migration of talent to other States for advanced training and research. This continuing loss of human capital weakens local research ecosystems, limits meaningful industry academia collaboration, and constrains the growth of innovation driven pharmaceutical enterprises within Odisha.

A NIPER in Odisha would address these structural gaps. It would strengthen postgraduate and doctoral education, expand pharmaceutical and translational research, and facilitate closer linkages between academic institutions and industry. Importantly, it would also help correct regional imbalances in the distribution of national research institutions. Eastern India remains under- served in pharmaceutical education and innovation despite its growing industrial and human resource base, and Odisha is well positioned to serve as a regional anchor. Recent developments have added momentum to this long standing demand. Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan has urged the Central Government to consider the establishment of a NIPER in Odisha, citing the State’s expanding educational ecosystem and strategic importance.

The Centre’s decision to provide budgetary support for three new NIPERs under the Biopharma SHAKTI initiative further strengthens the case for Odisha, particularly in the context of the government’s stated objective of strengthening eastern India’s contribution to national growth. At the State level, the current government has reiterated its intent to develop Odisha as a pharmaceutical and healthcare hub through policy support and research-led growth. The State Health Minister has informed the Legislative Assembly that suitable land has been proposed at the State capital for the establishment of a NIPER, signalling administrative preparedness. The moment for deliberation has passed; what Odisha now requires is decisive action. With sustained advocacy, demonstrated preparedness, political consensus, and clear national relevance, the case for establishing a NIPER in Odisha is both compelling and complete.

The Central Government must seize this opportunity to translate intent into implementation by approving and expediting the establishment of a NIPER in the state. Doing so would not only honour long-standing commitments but also unlock eastern India’s pharmaceutical potential, retain and nurture local talent, and strengthen India’s self-reliance in healthcare and life sciences. A NIPER in Odisha would stand as a powerful testament to inclusive development, where policy vision meets purposeful execution. What remains is timely and decisive action at the Centre.

With institutional readiness, political consensus, and national relevance firmly established, the case for a NIPER in Odisha is difficult to overlook. Approving and expediting the establishment of such an institution would not only honour long-standing commitments but also unlock eastern India’s pharmaceutical potential, retain and nurture local talent, and strengthen India’s self-reliance in healthcare and life sciences. A NIPER in Odisha would stand as a powerful testament to inclusive development, where policy vision meets purposeful execution.

(The writer is Principal, Dadhichi College of Pharmacy.)

The Ukraine war has long blurred the boundary between state power and private capability, but the latest restrictions on satellite connectivity expose just how decisively that line has shifted. When a commercial satellite network becomes embedded in frontline operations, decisions taken far from the battlefield can alter the balance of force in real time. Russia’s reported use of satellite-linked drones marked a dangerous escalation not because the technology was new, but because it reduced traditional counter-measures to near irrelevance. Low-flying, remotely piloted drones that cannot be jammed effectively compress response times and expand the attacker’s reach.

That such systems could be enabled through commercially available infrastructure underscores how modern warfare increasingly relies on tools never designed for war. Ukraine’s response ~ working with the provider to restrict unauthorised use ~ has yielded immediate tactical dividends. Speed limits on mobile terminals and tighter control over registered devices may sound bureaucratic, but in a conflict defined by milliseconds and bandwidth, they matter. Connectivity has become as strategic as ammunition, and denying it selectively can be as decisive as destroying hardware. Yet this episode also reveals an uncomfortable dependence.

Ukraine’s military communications, logistics and battlefield coordination are deeply entwined with a privately owned system outside direct government control. While the cooperation has so far aligned with Kyiv’s interests, it rests on goodwill rather than treaty obligations. That asymmetry introduces uncertainty into a war where predictability is already scarce. The controversy also reflects a broader transformation in how wars are constrained. Traditional international law assumes that states monopolise the tools of force. But satellite constellations, cloud services and artificial intelligence platforms are owned by companies operating across jurisdictions. Their policies, risk calculations and political views now shape what is possible in war zones.

This diffusion of power complicates accountability: when access is limited or restored, is it a strategic decision, a commercial one, or something in between? For Russia, the setback illustrates the limits of technological improvisation. Adapting civilian systems for military use can deliver rapid gains, but they also create vulnerabilities if access can be revoked or throttled. The same tools that offer flexibility can become choke points when control is centralised elsewhere. For Ukraine, the lesson is more complex.

External technological support has been indispensable, but reliance carries long-term risks. The push to whitelist terminals and tighten oversight is not merely defensive; it is an attempt to reclaim a measure of sovereignty over critical infrastructure. Whether that effort can be sustained amid a protracted war remains an open question. Ultimately, this episode is less about one company or one battlefield tactic than about the changing architecture of conflict itself. Wars are no longer fought solely by armies and states, but through networks, platforms, and permissions. In such an environment, control over access may prove as consequential as control over territory ~ and just as contested

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar on Wednesday took part in a high-level meeting on critical minerals hosted by the US State Department, even as India and the United States move closer to formalising a bilateral trade agreement.

Jaishankar, who is on an official visit to the US, also met Secretary of State Marco Rubio. The visit comes at a time when negotiations between the world’s two largest democracies have entered a crucial phase, following political-level discussions between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and US President Donald Trump.

Officials from both sides are now working through the details of the trade framework. A joint statement outlining the agreed terms is expected in the coming days.

Trade negotiations underway, says Jaishankar

Speaking to news agency ANI on the sidelines of the Critical Minerals ministerial meeting in Washington DC, Jaishankar clarified that the trade talks are being led by Commerce and Industry Minister Piyush Goyal.

“It was not with me, because that is being handled by Commerce and Industries Minister Piyush Goyal. The Prime Minister and the US President had a conversation; some announcements came out of it. Thereafter, a detailing of the trade negotiations is underway as we speak,” Jaishankar said.

Asked about timelines, the External Affairs Minister said the commerce ministry would be better placed to provide clarity.

“It is hard for me to say, and the Commerce Minister would know it better, because he is in direct engagement with the US Trade Representative,” he added.

Earlier, Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal informed Parliament that both countries have already finalised several components of the bilateral trade agreement after months of negotiations.

He said the focus has now shifted to completing technical procedures and paperwork so that the deal can be operationalised without delay. Goyal described the framework as a landmark step in deepening India–US ties and aligning with India’s long-term development goals for 2047.

The minister also pointed out that the 18 per cent tariff rate announced by US President Donald Trump is lower than those applied to many competing nations, giving Indian exporters a relative advantage.

According to Goyal, negotiating teams from both sides worked for nearly a year across multiple rounds to arrive at a balanced outcome. Sensitive sectors were protected, he said, including India’s agriculture and dairy industries.

“The US side, too, had areas that were sensitive from its point of view. Following a nearly year-long discussion spread over many rounds, the two negotiating teams were able to narrow their differences significantly and finalise several areas of the bilateral trade agreement,” Goyal told the House.

Critical minerals take centre stage in US talks

Beyond trade, Jaishankar underlined the strategic importance of critical minerals, a key focus of his Washington visit.

He described the ministerial meeting as productive and outcome-driven, noting the launch of a new US-led initiative called FORGE, which India has supported.

“It was a very good discussion. Critical minerals are a very important subject. The US has been partnering up for some years. Today, they launched a new initiative called FORGE, which we have supported. It’s a kind of successor to the Mineral Security Partnership. Overall, to me, it was a good meeting, very productive, very outcome-oriented, and very businesslike, and that was the core reason I came,” he said.

In his address at the ministerial, Jaishankar warned that excessive concentration in global critical mineral supply chains poses serious risks. He called for structured international cooperation to reduce vulnerabilities as India deepens engagement with US-led frameworks in the sector.

The announcement of a long-delayed trade understanding between India and the United States has brought a palpable sense of relief in Delhi’s policy and business circles. After months of uncertainty triggered by sharply higher US tariffs, the reduction of duties to 18 per cent offers immediate breathing space for exporters and financial markets alike. Yet the absence of formal documentation and clarity on scope suggests that relief should be tempered with restraint. At a basic level, the tariff rollback removes a destabilising overhang. The earlier hike had inflicted damage across employment-intensive sectors such as textiles, seafood, and gems, while contributing to currency volatility and foreign capital outflows.

Bringing India’s tariff exposure closer to that of its Asian peers restores some competitiveness and reinforces the country’s pitch as a credible manufacturing alternative amid global supply-chain realignment. However, the political messaging surrounding the announcement has raced well ahead of policy detail. Claims that India has committed to ending Russian oil purchases, embracing “Buy American” provisions, or importing hundreds of billions of dollars’ worth of US goods remain unverified. Such assertions, if left unqualified, risk distorting public expectations on both sides and complicating domestic political management in India – especially on agriculture and energy, where sensitivities run deep. The timing of the US move is equally significant.

Over the past year, tariff pressure from Washington forced Delhi to accelerate trade diversification, culminating in a landmark agreement with the European Union and a flurry of other deals. That pivot reduced India’s dependence on a single export market and strengthened its negotiating hand. In that sense, the US concession reflects not just bilateral diplomacy, but a recalibration shaped by India’s expanded options. From a geopolitical standpoint, the reset carries weight. The trade rupture had nudged India closer to a posture of strategic hedging, deepening engagement with multiple power centres at once. A partial repair of economic ties with Washington may now slow that drift ~ but it does not automatically reverse it.

India’s foreign policy remains anchored in autonomy, not alignment, and any durable shift will depend on whether economic cooperation is matched by predictability and respect for India’s domestic constraints. The central question, therefore, is not whether the announcement is positive ~ it is ~ but whether it evolves into a structured, enforceable framework. Without a jointly negotiated text specifying product coverage, timelines, safeguards and dispute resolution, the announcements amount to political signalling rather than commercial certainty. Crucially, markets will judge success not by presidential declarations, but by whether exporters see predictable access, investors see stability, and policymakers see disputes resolved through institutions rather than sudden tariff shocks. For India, the episode offers a broader lesson. Trade resilience lies not in celebrating tariff relief, but in building flexibility ~ through diversified markets, competitive manufacturing and calibrated openness. If the current thaw leads to a stable, phased engagement with the US, it will be a gain. Until then, caution, not triumphalism, is the wiser response.

The longest-serving Finance Minister in continuous office, Nirmala Sitharaman, presented her record ninth consecutive Union Budget on 1 February. Looking back, Morarji Desai had presented the Budget ten times, and P. Chidambaram nine times, but none of them had presented the Budget nine times consecutively. So far as Sitharaman’s Budget Speeches go, this was one of the shorter ones ~ she spoke only for 1 hour and 25 minutes, as against a record-breaking speech of 2 hours 39 minutes in 2020.

The FM’s address outlined the government’s fiscal roadmap for FY 2026–27, including spending plans, tax proposals, and key policy priorities. As expected, the Budget Speech and budget proposals were lauded by the PM, and the who’s who of the ruling party, but derided by opposition politicians. Since this was the first budget prepared in Kartavya Bhavan – the new address of the Finance Ministry – the FM drew inspiration from three kartavyas, the first being the acceleration and sustenance of economic growth, by enhancing productivity and competitiveness, and also building resilience to volatile global dynamics. An important part of this kartavya was the building of infrastructure, pursuant to which, Budget 2026 has raised the capital expenditure target to Rs 12.2 lakh crore from Rs 11.2 lakh crore for FY 25-26, which is slightly iffy, given the fact that the capital expenditure target of the current FY would remain unmet.

The FM has lauded herself for restricting fiscal deficit for FY 25-26 to 4.4 per cent of GDP, as against a target of 4.5 per cent; here it is to be mentioned that this milestone was achieved because receipts and expenditure fell short by around Rs.1 lakh crores ~ which was the case last year also. In this perspective, the narrowing down of the fiscal deficit to 4.3 per cent of GDP in FY 26-27, may be at the cost of a shortfall in budgeted expenditure. Concerningly, there was a fall in revenue receipts for FY 25-26 ~ tax receipts estimated at Rs 28.37 lakh crores, fell short by Rs.1.63 lakh crores.

Collection of Personal Income-tax missed the target by Rs.1.26 lakh crores, and collection of GST fell short by Rs.1.32 lakh crores ~ which was expected, given the reduction in tax rates. However, Personal Income-tax collections are set to exceed Corporate Tax collections by more than Rs.2 lakh crore or 18 per cent ~ not a very healthy development. The total Budget size is pegged at Rs 53.5 lakh crore, an increase of Rs.4.83 lakh crores, or roughly 10 per cent, over the current year’s budget. Budget 2026 comes at a time when GDP growth is scaling new heights, while inflation is at a historic low.

FM Sitharaman has done well to try to preserve this momentum, so there is nothing pathbreaking in the Budget. That may have been the reason, in addition to increase in STT rates, for the steep fall in share prices on Budget Day. Briefly put, with Viksit Bharat as the overarching theme, the stated objective of the Budget is to place India on the path towards financial stability, while enabling businesses to be future ready ~ rising up to the challenges and opportunities of AI adoption, and making up the all-round deficit of talent, infrastructure, governance, and trust. The Income tax Act, 2025 will come into effect from 1 April 2026. However, concerningly, applicable Income Tax Rules and Forms have not yet been notified.

The Budget has amended the Income-tax Act, 2025, even before its coming into force, mainly with a view to automate and accelerate processes. For example, penalty proceedings will be concluded along with assessment proceedings, and many penalties have been replaced with fees that will be charged automatically. The Budget proposes a Foreign Assets of Small Taxpayers ~Disclosure Scheme 2026, aimed at students, young professionals, tech employees and relocated NRIs. The Scheme provides a one-time opportunity to disclose foreign income and assets. Hopefully, this Scheme may fare better than the 2015 Scheme, given the enhanced international co-operation in tax matters.

There is good news for tourists and students studying abroad. TCS rates on overseas tour programme packages has been reduced uniformly to 2 per cent, from the current 5 per cent and 20 per cent. TCS on remittances for education and medical purposes under the Liberalized Remittance Scheme (LRS) has been reduced from 5 per cent, to 2 per cent. Given the disturbed conditions in our neighbourhood, Budget 2026 proposes an expenditure of Rs.7.84 lakh crore (US$85.5 billion) for defence ~ up 15 per cent, over the last year, amounting to 14.7 per cent of total government expenditure, translating into 2.01 per cent of GDP. In a welcome development, Rs.2.2 lakh crore has been earmarked specifically for defence modernisation ~ a 22 per cent increase over last year.

The Budget has made a significant provision for upgradation and expansion of healthcare infrastructure, medical education and the pharma sector with the aim of making India a global hub for allied healthcare professionals and biopharma manufacturing. To this end the Budget provides significantly higher funds to flagship programmes like Pradhan Mantri Ayushman Bharat Health Infrastructure Mission (PM-ABHIM), Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana (PM-JAY) and National Health Mission (NHM). A praiseworthy initiative is the skilling of middle level professionals; Allied Health Professional Institutes in 10 key disciplines will be set up and upgraded to create nearly one lakh skilled professionals over the next five years; a focused programme will train 1.5 lakh geriatric caregivers; the Indian Institute of Creative Technologies in Mumbai will be supported to create animation, visual effects, gaming and comics (AVGC) content creator labs in 15,000 secondary schools and 500 colleges; the number of veterinary professionals will be raised to over 20,000 by launching a credit-linked capital subsidy assistance scheme for the establishment of private-sector veterinary and para-veterinary colleges, animal hospitals, diagnostic laboratories and breeding facilities.

There are other upskilling projects, e.g., facilitating professional institutions like the Institute of Chartered Accountants of India (ICAI), Institute of Company Secretaries of India (ICSI), and Institute of Cost and Management Accountants of India (ICMAI) to design short-term, modular courses and practical tools to develop a cadre of “Corporate Mitras”, especially in Tier-II and Tier-III towns, who can be employed in MSMEs, and also a project to upskill 10,000 tourist guides across 20 major tourist destinations. At the policy level, the Government will set up a high-powered “Education to Employment and Enterprise” standing committee which will align education to industry needs.

Some special schemes for the benefit of coastal States are envisaged; a scheme to benefit coconut growers and a push for rare earths, that are currently being mined in Kerala, TN, Odisha and Andhra. Another proposal is to make fish catches in EEZs and high seas free of duty, and classifying the sale of such fish catch in any foreign port as export. It is but a coincidence that most of such states are poll bound, or ruled by the BJP and its allies. The Budget welcomes foreign investment by a 31-year tax holiday on data centres, and a 5-year tax holiday to foreign companies supplying capital goods and equipment, and also permission to foreigners to invest in the share market.

Worryingly, sharply increasing interest payments of Rs.14.04 lakh crore (last year Rs.12.74 lakh crore), would consume more than 26 per cent of the total budget, making them the second biggest item of expenditure. Thankfully, projected debt receipts of Rs.15.13 lakh crore, falls short of the Budget Estimate of Rs.15.66 lakh crores. However, continuing an increasing trend, expenditure of Rs.17.72 lakh crore and Rs.5.49 lakh crore, has been budgeted for Central Sector Schemes and Centrally Sponsored Schemes, respectively. The Fifteenth Finance Commission had recommended a review of Central Schemes, with axing of unviable ones. However, no review is in sight, and a host of new schemes have been announced in the current Budget.

The Outcome Budget for 2026-27 is a lengthy document of 302 pages which gives the financial outlay, outputs and outcomes statement, output and outcome indicators, and specific output and outcome targets but somehow, omits to provide clarity on the achievement of Budget targets. Clearly, a brake on profligacy is urgently required. Government economists sitting in the rarefied environs of their offices, who increase the budget size every year, could well heed the words of US economist Martin Feldstein: “Increased government spending can provide a temporary stimulus to demand and output but in the longer run higher levels of government spending crowd out private investment or require higher taxes that weaken growth by reducing incentives to save, invest, innovate, and work.”

(The writer is a retired Principal Chief Commissioner of Income-Tax)

Almost everything was in place for the merger of the two Nationalist Congress Party factions. One step remained.

That final step was talks with the Bharatiya Janata Party. Before it could happen, the process stopped abruptly.

News agency UNI mentioned senior party sources as saying the talks halted after the death of Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar in a plane crash on January 28. The negotiations have remained frozen since.

Also Read: ‘Fadnavis has no right to speak on NCP merger’: Sharad Pawar, says no ‘political discussions’ between factions

What the merger plan looked like before talks stalled

Discussions between the NCP (Sharadchandra Pawar faction) and the Ajit Pawar faction commenced in January 2025. Multiple rounds of meetings followed. These were held between then state unit chief Jayant Patil and Ajit Pawar.

According to sources mentioned by UNI, the talks had moved close to closure.

The proposal was far-reaching. Sharad Pawar was prepared to step back from active politics. He was willing to hand full control of a united NCP to Ajit Pawar.

This included complete decision-making authority and the post of national party president.

In return, Sharad Pawar sought political and organisational space for his group. He asked for key ministerial positions in the Maharashtra government and important posts within the party structure.

The Sharad Pawar faction demanded cabinet berths for Rohit Pawar, Shashikant Shinde, and Jayant Patil. It was also agreed that while Ajit Pawar would lead the party nationally, the Maharashtra unit president would come from the Sharad Pawar camp. Several other state-level organisational roles were to follow the same formula.

Why BJP approval mattered and what happens next

Publicly, Sharad Pawar has said Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis had no role in the merger talks. Party sources, however, tell a different story.

They insist that without consultations with the BJP, the merger could not have been completed.

The BJP leads the National Democratic Alliance at the Centre and heads the Mahayuti government in Maharashtra. Any decision on power-sharing for the Sharad Pawar faction would have required BJP approval.

As part of the roadmap, Ajit Pawar was expected to hold final talks with BJP leaders. That conversation never happened.

His death brought the entire exercise to a sudden stop.

At present, the Sharad Pawar faction remains keen to move ahead. But within the Ajit Pawar group, hesitation has grown. Senior leaders fear that without Ajit Pawar’s authority, their influence in a merged party could weaken. That uncertainty, sources say, is now slowing any further movement.

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar on Wednesday said India and the United States carried out a wide-ranging review of their bilateral partnership during his meetings in Washington, alongside discussions on major global conflicts and regional tensions.

Speaking on the sidelines of the Critical Minerals Ministerial in the US capital, Jaishankar said the conversations went beyond routine diplomacy and focused on how both sides plan to work together through the year ahead.

“We did a fairly detailed review of our bilateral cooperation,” he said. “It’s natural when foreign ministers meet that you discuss the diplomatic agenda. Also, the calendar — what do we expect each one of us to do this year together.”

He added that global issues inevitably formed part of the talks. “We discussed the world, we discussed our relationship, and it was a very open sort of forthcoming conversation,” Jaishankar said, referring to exchanges on the Indo-Pacific, West Asia, Gaza and the Ukraine conflict.

Critical minerals talks signal shift from strategy to execution

Jaishankar is in the US to attend the Critical Minerals Ministerial hosted by US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, a gathering that brought together representatives from nearly 50 countries.

Calling the meeting “productive and outcome-oriented”, the External Affairs Minister said India had backed the newly launched FORGE initiative — the Forum on Resource, Geostrategic Engagement — which succeeds the Mineral Security Partnership.

“Critical minerals are a very important subject; the US has been a partner for some years,” he said. “Today, they have launched a new edition — FORGE — which we have supported.”

Earlier, addressing the ministerial, Jaishankar warned that “excessive concentration” in critical mineral supply chains poses a serious global risk. He said the answer lies in countries working together in a more organised way, so supply chains are not left vulnerable to sudden shocks or over-dependence on a few players.

The comments come at a moment when India is moving from planning to action in the strategic minerals space. Its engagement with US-led frameworks is no longer just about intent. It is about building capacity on the ground.

The 2026 Budget’s proposal for dedicated rare earth corridors underlines that change. The aim is no longer limited to securing raw materials. It is about processing them at home, building magnet manufacturing capacity, and strengthening industries further down the value chain.

Raising sharp questions over the valuation of Delhi’s iconic Hyatt Regency hotel, the Supreme Court on Wednesday asked why the five-star property was not auctioned at a time when real estate prices were clearly on the rise, and agreed to examine a plea seeking a probe by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and the Central Vigilance Commission (CVC) into its alleged undervaluation under a One Time Settlement (OTS).

A Bench comprising Chief Justice of India Justice Surya Kant, Justice Joymalya Bagchi and Justice Vipul Pancholi was hearing a petition concerning the OTS entered into between Asian Hotels (North) Pvt Ltd, Punjab National Bank (PNB) and Bank of Maharashtra (BoM).
Questioning the timing and manner of the settlement, the CJI remarked that “even a layman in Delhi can take notice of the fact that from 2023 to 2025, the value of real estate properties has been rising.”
He added that when a settlement is entered into in January 2025, “the value of a five-star hotel in Delhi is bound to be high.”

The plea, filed by NGO Infrastructure Watchdog, alleges that the OTS was contrary to banking norms and resulted in a massive undervaluation of the Hyatt Regency property, causing potential loss to public sector banks.
Appearing for the petitioner, Advocate Prashant Bhushan contended that the OTS violated the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) mandate, which requires stressed loans exceeding Rs 100 crore to be resolved through auction.
He pointed out that as of September 1, 2020, Asian Hotels’ outstanding dues stood at Rs 705 crore, while the market value of the Hyatt Regency was assessed at Rs 2,600 crore and Rs 2,651 crore by two independent valuers.

However, when the OTS was finalised in 2024, the same valuer allegedly pegged the hotel’s value at Rs 970 crore, despite a significant post-COVID surge in Delhi-NCR real estate prices.

The petitioner argued that this drastic reduction raises serious red flags and warrants an independent investigation.

Taking note that the settlement was concluded in 2025, the Bench questioned why the property was not auctioned at that stage.

Recalling a recent auction of a hotel property in Kerala that attracted multiple bidders, the CJI observed that a prime hotel property in Delhi would likely draw even greater interest.
Opposing the plea, Senior Advocates N. Venkataraman and Mukul Rohatgi, appearing for the respondent banks, submitted that Asian Hotels had attempted to auction the hotel and its assets on two occasions, but no buyers came forward.

It was further argued that the banks had recovered 116 per cent of the loan amount, and that the petition amounted to seeking a “roving inquiry” into a concluded commercial transaction.

The Supreme Court nonetheless issued notice to the Union of India, Punjab National Bank, Bank of Maharashtra and Asian Hotels (North) Pvt Ltd, and listed the matter for further hearing on March 18.
The Delhi High Court had earlier dismissed the petition, holding that the plea was based on insufficient material and that OTS decisions fall within the realm of commercial wisdom, generally immune from judicial review. It had also relied on precedents including Dr Subramanian Swamy v. Union of India, Kunga Nima Lepcha v. State of Sikkim and State of Jharkhand v. Shiv Shankar Sharma.

The Supreme Court will now examine whether the circumstances of the case justify judicial interference and an independent probe into the settlement.

US President Donald Trump on Wednesday said that he held “a long and thorough” telephone conversation with Chinese President Xi Jinping, during which the two leaders discussed trade, military, Taiwan issue, Ukraine war and his upcoming China visit among others.

In a lengthy post on his Truth Social, the US President said, “I have just completed an excellent telephone conversation with President Xi of China. It was a long and thorough call, where many important subjects were discussed, including Trade, Military, the April trip that I will be making to China (which I very much look forward to!), Taiwan, the War between Russia/Ukraine, the current situation with Iran, the purchase of Oil and Gas by China from the United States, the consideration by China of the purchase of additional Agricultural products including lifting the Soybean count to 20 Million Tons for the current season (They have committed to 25 Million Tons for next season!), Airplane engine deliveries, and numerous other subjects, all very positive!”

Trump said that his relationship with China and his personal equation with Xi is “good one” and that they both would want to keep it that way.

“The relationship with China, and my personal relationship with President Xi, is an extremely good one, and we both realize how important it is to keep it that way,” he said.

The US President further expressed confidence that the there will be “many positive results achieved over the next three years of my Presidency having to do with President Xi, and the People’s Republic of China!”.

President Xi, according to a statement by Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said that he attaches “great importance” to his relationship with Trump.

He also expressed China’s concerns and said that both countries can find ways to address them if they work the “same direction in the spirit of equality, respect and mutual benefit.”

Just as the U.S. has its concerns, China for its part also has concerns. China always means what it says and matches its words with actions and results. If the two sides work in , we can surely find ways to address each other’s concerns.

“Both China and the U.S. have important items on our agenda this year. China will kick off its 15th Five-Year Plan, and the U.S. will celebrate the 250th anniversary of its independence. China will host the APEC Economic Leaders’ Meeting, and the U.S. the G20 Summit. The two sides should follow the common understandings we have reached, enhance dialogue and communication, manage differences properly, and expand practical cooperation,” Xi said.

President Xi also emphasised that the Taiwan question is the most important issue in China-U.S. relations. “Taiwan is China’s territory. China must safeguard its own sovereignty and territorial integrity, and will never allow Taiwan to be separated. The U.S. must handle the issue of arms sales to Taiwan with prudence,” he asserted.

As the decisive ‘Gangstran Te Vaar’ campaign, launched under the directions of Chief Minister Bhagwant Singh Mann, entered its 16th day, the Punjab Police on Wednesday conducted 689 raids at identified and mapped locations linked to associates of gangsters across the state.

According to official information, ‘Gangstran Te Vaar,’ a decisive war to make Punjab a gangster-free state, was launched by Director General of Police (DGP) Punjab, Gaurav Yadav, on January 20, 2026. Police teams from all districts, in coordination with the Anti-Gangster Task Force (AGTF) Punjab, have been conducting special operations across the state.

On Day 16 of the campaign, police teams arrested 232 individuals and recovered two sharp-edged weapons from their possession, taking the total number of arrests to 4,628 since the launch of the drive.

In addition, preventive action was taken against 153 persons, while 352 persons were verified and released after questioning. Police teams also arrested 12 proclaimed offenders (POs) during the operation.

People can anonymously share information related to wanted criminals and gangsters, as well as tips on crime and criminal activities, through the Anti-Gangster Helpline number 93946-93946.

Meanwhile, police teams continued their drive against drugs under ‘Yudh Nashian Virudh’ for the 340th day. On Wednesday, 135 drug smugglers were arrested, and 8.1 kg heroin, 2 kg opium, 804 intoxicant tablets/capsules, and ₹10,750 in drug money were recovered from their possession. With this, the total number of drug smugglers arrested has reached 47,634 in just 340 days.

As part of the de-addiction initiative, the Punjab Police also convinced 23 persons to undergo de-addiction and rehabilitation treatment on Wednesday.

On the second day of the Mumbai Investment Roadshow, Chief Minister Bhagwant Singh Mann-led Punjab Government intensified its investment outreach with a clear and deliberate focus on translating capital inflows into employment opportunities for the State’s youth, as part of its build-up to the Progressive Punjab Investors’ Summit 2026.

Beginning with high-level engagements and progressing through sector-specific and financial discussions, the Government of Punjab presented a coherent chain of opportunities—from strengthening micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs) and enabling their transition into large enterprises to attracting global investors in manufacturing, logistics, and emerging sectors.

The series of outcome-oriented meetings reflected a calibrated strategy to deepen partnerships with corporates and financial institutions, expand industrial capacity, and lay the foundation for sustainable, skilled, and long-term employment. These efforts position Punjab as a hub for youth-led industrial growth and entrepreneurship-driven economic expansion.

The delegation began the day with high-level one-to-one meetings with leading industry groups, including Sanathan Textiles and the Mahindra Group. Discussions centred on opportunities in textiles, automotive, farm equipment, defence manufacturing, and supply-chain integration.

The meetings explored prospects for new investments as well as the expansion of existing operations in Punjab, leveraging the State’s skilled workforce, industrial infrastructure, and policy stability.

A key highlight of the day was the CXO Roundtable with leading private equity firms and financial institutions, convened to deliberate on financing pathways, growth capital, and structured support for scaling Punjab’s MSMEs into large and globally competitive enterprises. Senior leadership from Baring Private Equity India Investment Managers LLP, JM Financial Ltd, Avendus Wealth Management, Neo Wealth and Asset Management, OAKS Asset Management, Alvarez & Marsal, and Think Law participated in the roundtable.

Discussions focused on strengthening the MSME-to-large-enterprise pipeline through patient capital, governance support, and strategic market access, positioning Punjab as a preferred destination for MSME-led industrial growth.

During the roundtable, the CEO of Invest Punjab made a detailed presentation on Punjab’s reform-driven governance framework, the FastTrack Punjab single-window system, and time-bound approvals.

The Administrative Secretary, Investment Promotion, highlighted the State’s commitment to policy certainty and investor facilitation. The session concluded with an interactive open house and networking luncheon, enabling direct dialogue between investors and the Government of Punjab delegation.

Following the roundtable, the delegation held focused meetings with UAE-based DP World to discuss logistics, rail-linked inland terminals, and multimodal infrastructure aimed at strengthening Punjab’s export competitiveness.

This was followed by interactions with Avenue Supermarts, UPL Limited, and the International Institute of Sports Management, covering sectors such as organised retail, agri-inputs, food systems, and sports education and infrastructure. These engagements underscored Punjab’s diversified sectoral opportunities across manufacturing, services, agribusiness, logistics, and emerging industries.

A representative from Invest India also participated in the day’s engagements alongside the Government of Punjab delegation, reinforcing collaborative efforts to attract domestic and global investments into the State and align Punjab’s investment outreach with national investment promotion initiatives.

The Mumbai Investment Roadshow continues to serve as a strong platform for engaging institutional investors, industry leaders, and financial partners, while formally extending invitations for their participation in the Progressive Punjab Investors’ Summit 2026.

The engagements showcased Punjab’s readiness to scale businesses, promote research and development, and integrate with national and global markets through a stable and investor-friendly ecosystem.

The next session of the Haryana Vidhan Sabha will commence on Friday, February 20, 2026, at 11 am at the Haryana Vidhan Sabha Building in Chandigarh.

According to a notification issued by the Haryana Vidhan Sabha Secretariat, the session will begin with the customary Address by Governor Prof Ashim Kumar Ghosh. Following the Governor’s Address, the proceedings of the House will formally start.

The session is expected to witness discussions on key legislative and administrative matters concerning the state. Further details regarding the duration of the session and the legislative agenda are likely to be announced separately by the Secretariat.

Two days after US President Donald Trump claimed that Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has agreed to stop buying Russian oil, Kremlin has said that New Delhi is free to buy energy products from other suppliers, reported Russian news agency TASS.

Official Kremlin spokesperson Dimitry Peskov said that India has always purchased energy products from other countries and that Russia is well aware of that.

“We, along with all other international energy experts, are well aware that Russia is not the only supplier of oil and petroleum products to India. India has always purchased these products from other countries. Therefore, we see nothing new here,” Peskov said, according TASS.

Earlier this week, US President Trump had announced a trade deal between India and the US. He said that the US will reduce tariffs on Indian imports to 18 per cent and India has agreed to stop purchasing Russian oil.

However, there was no official words on his Russian oil claim from India, although New Delhi confirmed the trade deal.

India has more than ‘earned’ tariff reduction: Lindsey Graham on trade deal

On Tuesday, Russia’s Deputy Prime Minister Alexander Novak had also downplayed the US President’s claim, saying, “We’re only seeing public statements. We’ll see how the situation develops.”

On the question of any potential loss of Indian custom, Novak further added, “Our energy resource is in demand; we see this often. Supply will always find demand, because the balance is maintained.”

The United States had last year imposed an additional 25 per cent penalty on India for purchasing Russian oil.

Washington also accused New Delhi of sponsoring Russia’s war in Ukraine buy funding its military through the purchase of energy products.

Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma on Wednesday said that he will file both civil and criminal defamation proceedings against Congress leaders Gaurav Gogoi, Bhupesh Baghel, Jitendra Singh Alwar and Debabrata Saikia for making false, malicious and defamatory statements against him

“The era of hit-and-run politics is over. If they have even an ounce of courage or evidence, let them prove every allegation before a court of law. I will not be intimidated by propaganda, coordinated slander, or political theatrics of so-called slaves of the Gandhi family,” the cheif minister said in a strongly-worded post on X.

His reaction came shortly after the senior Congress leaders unveiled a digital platform titled WhoIsHBS.com aimed at capturing CM Sarma’s political journey.

Addressing a press conference, Gogoi said that the digitsl platform contained documents, videos and other material related to the Chief Minister’s property, wealth and alleged corruption.

Gogoi said that the initiative was intended to place “facts” before the people of Assam and promote accountability.

Reacting to the defamation suit threat, Gogoi said that the Assam CM is scared by his presser and dared him to fight innthe court of public opinion.

“It is plain to see Himanta Biswa Sarma has got scared by our press conference today. Soon the details of his corruption and wealth will be made public in every village of Assam. If he has courage he should fight us in the court of public opinion instead of seeking refuge. P.S. I do not want to comment on hit and run,” the Congress leader said.

The writing had been on the wall for Sanju Samson for some time. A modest return of 49 runs across the five-match T20I series against New Zealand left him short of time to secure his place, especially with Ishan Kishan scripting a compelling comeback to the Indian setup after a two-year absence.

Kishan’s maiden T20I century and a half-century in the series virtually forced the team management’s hand, making it increasingly untenable to persist with an out-of-form opener on the eve of a T20 World Cup defence.

On Wednesday, the Indian think tank made the expected move, unveiling a fresh opening combination by promoting Kishan to partner Abhishek Sharma in the first warm-up fixture ahead of the tournament, which begins on February 7.

At the toss, captain Suryakumar Yadav confirmed the change—an unmistakable signal that Samson’s World Cup prospects may have taken a significant hit.

“We are going to bat first. It is something we have been doing well. There might be some dew later in the evening, so we want to test our bowlers in challenging conditions and defend whatever total we get,” Suryakumar said.

Samson’s position has been under scrutiny for several months. Ahead of the Asia Cup 2025, he opened alongside Abhishek Sharma and produced steady returns. However, the subsequent inclusion of Shubman Gill altered the balance at the top, pushing Samson into the middle order. The shift disrupted his rhythm and sparked calls for his reinstatement as an opener.

Gill’s lean patch and sluggish strike rate eventually prompted selectors to recall Kishan following a prolific Syed Mushtaq Ali Trophy campaign. Yet Samson was handed a final extended run during the New Zealand series, featuring in all five matches despite his lack of returns.

Kishan, meanwhile, batted at No.3 and notched up his maiden T20I century. The management’s thinking became clearer when Kishan was entrusted with the wicketkeeping duties in the fifth T20I.

The decision to elevate Kishan to the top paid immediate dividends on Wednesday. At the DY Patil Stadium in Navi Mumbai, around 30 kilometres from the Wankhede Stadium, where India begin their title defence against the USA on Saturday, Kishan set the tone with a scintillating 20-ball 53.

What stood out was not just the pace of Kishan’s scoring, but the fact that he outpaced even the ultra-aggressive Abhishek at the other end. The left-hander from Ranchi wasted no time, launching two sixes in the opening over to underline the management’s faith in the left-handed opening pair as the World Cup draws closer.

Abhishek, unusually measured early on, soon found his range, stitching together a hat-trick of boundaries off Corbin Bosch to complement Kishan’s assault. By the time Abhishek struck his first six of the evening—off the opening ball of the fifth over—India had already raced to 50.

Kishan remained in ominous touch throughout, dismantling Anrich Nortje with three sixes and a four as he closed in on his half-century. He brought up the milestone in style, depositing Mphaka over the long-on boundary in the following over, before retiring out after providing India with an ideal platform.

Notably, there was no sign of Samson at No.3 either, nor even in the top six.

Instead, Tilak Varma (45 off 19 balls) made a spectacular return to India colours after recovering from testicular surgery, while skipper Suryakumar Yadav, who announced his arrival with a six off Nortje, also struck a brisk 16-ball 30. Axar Patel and Rinku Singh rounded out the top six as India surged towards a massive total.

For Samson, however, this may well have been the final verdict. Omitted from the top six as India locked in their preferred combinations in a rematch of the 2024 T20 World Cup final, the Kerala right-hander appears to have fallen out of the selectors’ plans at the worst possible time.

Expelled CPM leader V Kunhikrishnan‘s book, titled Nethruthwathe Anikal Thiruthanam (The Rank and File Should Correct the Leadership), was released at a function held at Gandhi Park in Payyannur on Wednesday.

Joseph C Mathew, IT advisor of former Chief Minister VS Achuthanandan, released the book by handing a copy of the book to fellow Left traveler late MN Vijayan’s son and writer VS Anil Kumar.

A large crowd turned up at the event, despite opposition from the CPM. Many people reached the stage and shook hands with V Kunhikrishnan and congratulated him. The book launch ceremony was held amid chants of “Inquilab Zindabad” raised by the audience.

In his welcome speech, Kunhikrishnan said there was a campaign through the new media that the book launch ceremony had been postponed. “I am being personally abused. Obscene messages that cannot be said in front of the audience have continuously come through WhatsApp. I am personally getting into things that are a form of glory killing and an attempt to implement Goebbelsian tactics in the new era as well,” he said.

Joseph C Mathew, in his speech after the launch of the book, said that Kunhikrishnan is also saying things similar to what VS Achuthanandan said.

Achuthanandan was expelled from the Politburo for standing with the truth. He asked when communism and truth became two separate things.

The book, which contains 16 chapters and spans 96 pages, serves as an exposé on alleged corruption, mismanagement of party funds, and the rise of “crony capitalism” by the local CPM leadership.

Kunhikrishnan, in his book reportedly argues that the party has become “poll-oriented” and that leaders are abusing the principle of democratic centralism to protect those involved in financial wrongdoing. The book claims that if the party is to improve, the leadership must be corrected by the rank and file.

Earlier on January 30, the Kerala High Court ordered police protection for the function of the release of the book.

A single bench of Justice Bechu Kurian Thomas directed the District Police Chief, Kannur and the SHO, Payyanur to ensure that there is adequate protection to the life of the expelled CPM leader ahead of the release of his book.

The CPM on January 26 expelled the party’s Kannur district committee member Kunhikrishnan from the party for making serious allegations against Payyannur MLA TI Madhusoodanan and others.