Culture, understood as the constellation of learned behaviours, beliefs, and values that shape a society, carries different meanings for each individual. Yet its gradual erosion reveals an uncomfortable reality – one with the power to unsettle. To confront this concern, the article begins by recalling a quintessential example of cultural engagement. Quite a few years ago, Dr Kapila Vatsyayan – one of the most distinguished scholars of Indian culture and a towering figure in cultural research – conceived and curated a programme at Delhi’s India International Centre (IIC) centred on a plant that occupies a unique place in India’s cultural and political history: Indigo.

In his inaugural address at the seminar, Gopalkrishna Gandhi offered a poignant reflection, deftly weaving together a wide spectrum of ideas around this seemingly simple plant. He spoke of the colour blue – of indigo dye as perceived through multiple lenses: as analysed by the physicist C. V. Raman while explaining the colour of the sky; as the hue mythologists associate with Krishna; as the shade immortalised by M. S. Subbulakshmi’s favourite concert sari, later known as ‘MS Blue’; and as the symbolic resonance of the Neelkamal, with which Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay so deeply identified, endowing the blue lotus with a distinctive cultural meaning.

Such programmes are rarely organised, sparsely attended, and even less often genuinely appreciated typically shaped by thinkers who seek not applause but meaningful engagement. To appreciate culture, one need not be a connoisseur or a highly discerning enthusiast with refined knowledge of traditions and history; one needs only a basic sense of sensitivity, curiosity, and respect. Cultural decay is widely discussed and unmistakably global. For India, one of the world’s oldest living civilisations, it is especially upsetting, given its profound civilisational depth and rich cultural mosaic of unique art forms, music, dance, faiths, languages, cuisine, and festivals that together reflect enduring social cohesion across diverse castes and communities.

Cultural preservation is therefore an essential intergenerational bridge and a cornerstone of nation-building. While some dismiss what is described as cultural decay in India as mere evolution, others see a corrosive shift, one that erodes tradition, weakens community bonds, and dulls the collective sensibility shaped by India’s layered civilisational ethos. Whatever the causes, the sense of culture is undergoing a rapid, often silent erosion, driven by collective apathy as well as global, technological, political, and social forces. Phenomena such as McDonaldization and Zara-fication, along with the excesses of carnivalisation and transgression when severed from cultural context and restraint, are symptoms of this deeper malaise.

Let us be clear-eyed about where this ultimately leads. While news of celebrities’ pregnancies and affairs captures public attention, libraries lie largely abandoned, even as mediocre live events – offering little cultural substance – draw large crowds and demand extensive police arrangements. The nation today confronts disturbing trends that steadily erode its cultural foundations: children growing up unfamiliar with fairness and justice; rampant consumerism and materialism; the ever-increasing commercialisation of heritage; disappearing folk arts and dying tribal languages; declining cinematic and musical standards; growing environmental disconnection; the rise of digital distraction; and places of worship reduced to sites of entertainment.

Taken together, these cultural shifts undermine the nation’s core ethical foundations. A country then risks losing not only its celebrated heritage but also its civilisational compass. Civilisations are defined not by material or technological achievements alone, but by what they preserve in their collective conscience. It is hardly edifying to suggest that culture is merely about knowing which cutlery to use at dinner, dropping names of famous personalities, or displaying social graces as markers of social status. Nor is it about networking with the “who’s who” as a status symbol. Yet today, both individuals and institutions that host intellectual discussions and cultural programmes are often thinly attended, while bars, restaurants, and trivial entertainment events, sometimes even within the same premises, are packed. Rather than aligning our behaviour with long-standing cultural standards, we increasingly redefine culture to suit our own convenience. A selfie booth at the Banaras Lit Fest in Varanasi – yes, you read that right.

As the festival’s president candidly observed, attracting crowds today requires a masala mix: a bit of something for everyone. Hence the additions – mime shows, stand-up comedy, handicrafts, carpets, and saris for sale, even fashion shows. Literary festivals in India, therefore, are only partly about books; a substantial share of their appeal lies elsewhere. Even the most prestigious of them all, the Jaipur Literature Festival – which reportedly attracted 400,000 visitors last month – is widely believed to draw far fewer people without such embellishments. Nor is this phenomenon unique to India. As one attendee at this year’s World Economic Forum in Davos remarked with disarming candour, many participants skipped every plenary session, yet unfailingly appeared at the evening parties. To put this in perspective, the sociologist Olivier Roy warns that “deculturation” is sweeping the world, with deeply troubling consequences.

From the destruction of the Bamiyan Buddhas in Afghanistan to the defacement of Mahatma Gandhi’s statue in London and the vandalisation of art galleries at home, the pattern is both clear and unmistakable. The world is far from ideal. Yet when this reality prevents us from remaining culturally grounded and emotionally resonant, it becomes hostile to the very spirit of culture and corrosive to society and the nation at large. In a globally interconnected world, cultural trust is far easier to lose than to rebuild. Change cannot be avoided, but its true test lies in harmonising continuity with renewal while protecting the values and inheritance that animate India’s cultural life. Culture functions as a living organism: sustained by care, it thrives; deprived or abused, it declines.

A healthier culture is not self-generating; it requires deliberate stewardship at the individual, social, and institutional levels. The cultural conversation must be redirected toward safeguarding the nation’s legacy, regardless of how much this unsettles ultra-modernists or so-called culturists. Power may grant authority and position, but culturally aware citizens possess something equally vital: the courage to stop pretending, to speak out against decay, to nurture cultural life at home and in their communities, and – above all – to act together. Does this sound quixotic? Perhaps. But that is often how meaningful change begins.

(The writer is the author of Whispers of an Ordinary Journey and former Deputy General Manager, IIC, Delhi.)

Jodhpur Travel Blog: The second-largest city of Rajasthan doesn’t just showcase history, it lives in it. From its towering fort to its narrow blue lanes, everything here feels layered with stories.

The Blue City | The Sun City

The first thing that catches your eye is the colour. Blue everywhere. Houses stacked closely together, washed in shades of indigo and sky. When sunlight hits them, the whole old town almost glows.

Also Read: Budget 2026: Everything you need to know about Buddhist circuits and green tourism in the North-East

Locals say the blue began with Brahmin families marking their homes. Others say the colour helped keep houses cooler during the scorching summers. Maybe both are true. What matters is that today, the blue is no longer just paint, it’s identity.

Jodhpur is also called the Sun City. The rulers of Marwar were devoted to the Sun God, and the city still seems blessed with endless sunlight. The golden rays against sandstone buildings give the place a warm, almost cinematic feel.

Mehrangarh Fort

High above the city stands Mehrangarh Fort. When you look up at it from below, it almost feels unreal; how did anyone build something so massive on that rocky hill?

Founded in 1459 by Rao Jodha, the fort has watched centuries pass; wars fought, rulers crowned, sacrifices made. You can still see marks of cannonballs on its walls. Inside, however, the mood changes. There are delicate carvings, grand courtyards, stained glass windows, and balconies overlooking the sea of blue houses below.

If there is one place that defines Jodhpur, it is this fort.

Jaswant Thada

Just nearby is Jaswant Thada, a quiet marble memorial that almost glows in daylight. Built in memory of Maharaja Jaswant Singh II, it feels peaceful compared to the imposing fort. Also called as Taj of Jodhpur it is made with same marble use in Taj Mahal in Agra

The marble is so finely carved that sunlight filters through it. Sitting there for a while, you feel the calmness of the place, something rare in busy tourist cities.

Umaid Bhawan Palace

Umaid Bhawan Palace is grand, elegant, and still partly home to the royal family. The world’s last huge built palace Umaid Bhawan was built between 1929 to 1943, it built during a time of drought to provide employment to locals, it took nearly 15 years to complete.

Part palace, part hotel, part museum, it reflects both history and continuity. The golden sandstone structure stands wide and confident, a reminder of a different era.

Toorji Ka Jhalra

In the old city lies Toorji Ka Jhalra, a stepwell that once helped people survive harsh droughts. Even today, as you walk down its steps, the air feels cooler. It’s a simple structure, but it tells you how thoughtfully cities were once built.

The markets around clock tower

Near the clock tower, the real heartbeat of Jodhpur comes alive. Fabric shops spill colour onto the streets; bandhani, leheriya, bright dupattas fluttering in the breeze, Gota Patti ghahra choli and colorful Rajasthani turban make you shop more and more.

And then there’s the food. Mirchi vada that makes your eyes water, dal baati churma rich with ghee, and soft gulab jamuns of Chatur bhuj that dissolve in your mouth the moment you taste them.

The markets are noisy, crowded, with locals as well as tourists the people are very welcoming.

The city which sometimes seem chaotic offers you noise and peace all at the same time.

Jodhpur isn’t just about monuments. It’s about sunlight on old walls, spices in the air, and blue houses that seem to hold secrets.

And when you leave, you may realise you didn’t just visit the city, you realise you have left a part of your heart behind.

Manipur’s return to an elected government marks the end of a pause, not the end of a crisis. After months of central rule, the state now has a chief minister who inherits not just a fractured administration but a deeply wounded social fabric. The violence between Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities did more than claim lives and homes; it hardened boundaries, turned neighbourhoods into frontiers, and normalised suspicion as a way of life. In such a landscape, governance is no longer about routine policy choices. It is about whether politics can once again become a shared space.

The new chief minister’s personal story ~ rooted in sport, discipline, and a long public career ~ offers a useful metaphor. Sport teaches rules, restraint and respect for the opponent. Politics in Manipur today needs exactly that grammar: rules that apply equally, restraint in the use of power, and respect for the fears of the other side. But metaphors, like oaths, do not restore trust on their own. Trust returns only when people see that the state protects them not as members of a community, but as citizens. The early signals are mixed. A cabinet that reflects ethnic balance suggests an awareness of the state’s fault lines, yet protests and fresh incidents of violence show how thin that reassurance remains. Even more worrying is the way new frictions are emerging among other groups, reminding us that Manipur’s crisis is not a single-argument conflict but a web of overlapping grievances. Once society starts organising itself around fear, every unresolved tension becomes combustible.

There is also a harder political truth: peace cannot be reduced to administrative calm. Reopening of roads and functioning of offices may look like progress, but they do not answer the deeper questions of justice, accountability, and security. A durable settlement will require credible disarmament of armed groups, a visible commitment to the rule of law, and a political dialogue that does not treat any community’s concerns as an inconvenience to be managed away. If these steps are postponed, the state risks slipping back into a cycle where every lull is only an intermission. At the same time, caution is needed against solutions that promise instant relief but carry long-term risks. Demands for new administrative arrangements may feel like the only escape from insecurity, yet in a state of layered identities, such moves could trigger a domino effect of competing claims. The challenge is to make coexistence safer than separation, a task that requires imagination as much as authority.

Manipur’s tragedy is that it has long produced excellence in fields that demand discipline, teamwork, and resilience, while its politics has struggled to reflect those same virtues. The new government has a narrow window to change that. If it uses power to rebuild trust rather than merely restore order, it could begin to reverse the logic of fear. If it settles for managing tension instead of resolving it, Manipur will remain suspended between elections and peace, with neither truly secured.

If the first reactions to the India-US trade framework focused on its architecture, the second wave of debate is about its politics. As more details surface, the agreement looks less like a settled bargain and more like a bundle of carefully balanced bets ~ on markets, on geopolitics, and on domestic consent. Start with the most sensitive ambiguity: energy. One side speaks as if a strategic shift away from Russian oil is a given; the other avoids saying so in writing and points to commercial decisions by individual companies.

The result is a grey zone in which trade penalties are suspended conditionally, monitored through executive discretion rather than anchored in a clear treaty commitment. This is not merely a technical issue. When trade instruments begin to double as tools of foreign policy discipline, the line between economic negotiation and strategic pressure blurs, and so does democratic accountability at home. Then there is the domestic political economy. The framework promises safeguards for sensitive farm and dairy sectors, yet it also opens the door wider to a range of agricultural and food imports. Farmer organisations are not wrong to read this through the lens of prices and livelihoods rather than diplomatic language. Trade policy, after all, distributes gains and losses unevenly.

In a country where agriculture remains both an economic and a political cornerstone, even carefully worded assurances struggle to calm fears of being undercut by subsidised or scale-advantaged producers abroad. The memory of past reforms that moved faster than consensus still lingers. The asymmetry in commitments adds another layer of unease. India’s tariff reductions are largely front-loaded and specific. Key concessions from the other side, by contrast, are staged, conditional, and routed through a maze of executive instruments that can be tightened or loosened with changing political winds. Critics see a risk that “later” becomes a moving target. Both readings can coexist ~ and that coexistence is precisely what makes the moment politically delicate. The headline-grabbing promise to buy $500 billion worth of goods over five years raises its own questions. Such targets depend heavily on private investment decisions, market prices, and growth trajectories that governments do not control.

They also imply a sharp expansion of imports that could reshape trade balances and external accounts. Optimists call it a vote of confidence in India’s growth and industrial needs; sceptics see a number designed as much for signalling as for planning. The truth may lie somewhere in between. None of this means the framework is doomed. It does mean it is unfinished business wrapped in diplomatic optimism. The real test will be whether this process can convert conditionality into certainty, ambition into contracts, and strategic alignment into predictable rules. Until then, the agreement is not just a bridge between two trade regimes, it is a bridge carrying the weight of competing expectations at home and abroad. Whether it holds will depend less on press statements and more on how transparently and credibly the next steps are taken.

Last year, while presenting the Union Budget 2025-26, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman identified urban development as one of six national policy priorities. Presenting the 2026-27 Budget this year, she reinforced this direction, once again describing cities as “engines of growth, innovation and opportunity.” The emphasis on urban development as a driver of growth is both timely and well-founded, given the well-established link between urbanisation and economic transformation.

Yet a closer reading of the allocations reveals underlying tensions ~ between ambition and fiscal commitment, welfare expansion and infrastructure cuts, and growth imperatives and environmental sustainability ~ that warrant careful scrutiny as India charts its urban transition. The overall decline in the Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs’ allocation ~ from Rs 96,777 crore to Rs 85,522 crore ~ further complicates city-centric growth ambitions. The most explicit urban signal in the Budget is the emphasis on Tier II and Tier III cities as the next engines of economic growth. At the core of this shift is the proposal to identify and develop City Economic Regions (CERs) ~ urban clusters anchored in sector-specific growth drivers.

To operationalise this idea, the government has proposed an allocation of Rs 5,000 crore per CER over five years, to be disbursed through a reform-linked, challenge-based financing mechanism. Finance Minister Sitharaman in her budget speech of 2025, announced an Urban Challenge Fund to attract private investment to develop ‘Cities as Growth Hubs’, ‘Creative Redevelopment of Cities’ and ‘Water and Sanitation’ infrastructure through bankable, financially viable projects. It was mentioned that this fund would finance up to 25 per cent of the cost of projects, which can raise at least 50 per cent of the cost from bonds, bank loans, and Public-Private Partnerships.

However, this entire Rs 10,000 crore corpus had remained unutilised during FY 2025-26 and is likely to be channelised for the Tier II and Tier III cities this year. There is no denying the critical importance of focusing on Tier II and Tier III cities, as the metro cities are bursting at the seams. However, it remains unclear how many of these cities will be able to access the Urban Challenge Fund, given that they are required to raise half of the project cost through market-based instruments. According to SEBI, since 2017 only 14 Tier II and Tier III cities located in five states (AP, MP, UP, Gujarat and Maharashtra) have been able to float municipal bonds, while a few more have gained experience in handling managing Public-Private Partnerships.

Thus, most states will need to prioritise enhancing the creditworthiness oftheir municipal governments, through accounting reforms and greater fiscal empowerment. One of the more positive signals in the Budget is the renewed emphasis on urban welfare, particularly livelihood support for the urban poor. Rapid urbanisation, coupled with the dominance of informal employment, has long created a policy vacuum in urban social protection ~ exposed starkly during the Covid-19 pandemic. The allocation for PM-SVANidhi, which provides micro-credit support to street vendors, has increased significantly to Rs 900 crore in 2026-27, up from Rs 373 crore in 2025-26. Similarly, the Deendayal Antyodaya Yojana-National Urban Livelihood Mission (DAY-NULM), which received Rs 200 crore in revised Budget 2025–26, has been allotted Rs 536 crore in the current Budget.

These increases reflect a growing recognition of the vulnerabilities of urban informal workers and the need for targeted support mechanisms. However, these gains in livelihood support are offset by sharp reductions in affordable housing allocations. Funding for Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana-Urban (PMAY-U) has declined steadily ~ from Rs 30,170 crore in 2024-25 to Rs 19,794 crore in 2025-26, and further to Rs 18,625 crore in 2026-27. While the government introduced an Industrial Housing Scheme initially funded at Rs 2,500 crore in FY 2025-26 the latter has seen its allocation fall to just Rs 400 crore this year. Cuts are even sharper in basic urban services.

The allocation for the Swachh Bharat Mission (Urban) has been halved from Rs 5,000 crore to Rs 2,500 crore. Cuts in affordable housing risk deepening informality and overcrowding, under- mining India’s commitment to SDG 11.1 on access to adequate and affordable housing. Urban sanitation, likewise, requires sustained investment in waste processing, sewage treatment, faecal sludge management, and worker safety. Similarly, cutting half of the Swachh Bharat Mission (Urban) budget signals a troubling de-prioritisation of public health and weakens progress towards SDG 11.6, which focuses on reducing the environmental impact of cities through improved waste management.

Budget 2026-27 also signals a broader contraction in core urban infrastructure spending. The allocation for metro and mass rapid transit has declined from Rs 31,239 crore to Rs 28,740 crore. Nevertheless, metros still absorb nearly a third of the total urban budget, even as investment in bus systems, suburban rail, non-motorised transport and last-mile connectivity remains inadequate. The allocation for AMRUT, the flagship scheme for water supply and sewerage, has fallen from Rs 10,000 crore to Rs 8,000 crore between FY 2025-26 and 2026-27. At a time of acute water stress, groundwater depletion and climate-induced variability, this reduction weakens a critical pillar of urban sustainability. Digital infrastructure reflects a similar pattern of retreat.

The Smart Cities Mission has effectively concluded, with no provision for sustaining the Integrated Command and Control Centres established in 100 cities. Without a long-term financing framework, these high-value assets risk institutional decay. Meanwhile, funding for the National Urban Digital Mission has sharply declined from Rs 1,250 crore to Rs 300 crore. Perhaps the most significant gap in the Budget is its limited engagement with urban environmental risk ~ particularly striking given that both the Economic Survey 2024-25 and 2025-26 identify climate adaptation as central to achieving the Viksit Bharat vision.

Indian cities are already grappling with worsening air pollution, recurrent flooding, heat stress and water scarcity, yet the Budget makes no dedicated financial commitment to climate resilience or ecosystem-based urban planning, relying instead on a supply-side push for electric mobility. Admittedly, urban development is constitutionally a state subject under India’s federal framework.

However, the scale and interconnected nature of environmental risks ~ spanning air basins, river systems and national climate commitments ~ make it imperative for the Union government to provide strategic direction, fiscal incentives and coordinated leadership. The absence of an integrated environmental lens points to a deeper policy disconnect. Urban growth continues to be framed in terms of physical expansion rather than ecological constraints. Without sustained investment in addressing environmental challenges, the very urban development-centric growth ambitions the Budget seeks to advance risk being undermined.

(The writer is Professor (Urban Management and Governance), School of Human Settlements, XIM University, Bhubaneswar. The views are personal)

The picture in Bangladesh is now fairly clear. As unofficial results came in through Thursday night and into Friday morning, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and its allies crossed the numbers needed to form the next government.

Current tallies show the alliance winning 210 seats. The Election Commission has yet to make its final announcement, but the scale of the lead makes it difficult to overturn.

Bangladesh election results 2026: Latest updates

1. BNP crosses majority mark

Unofficial results from across constituencies show the BNP-led alliance at 210 seats. That is comfortably above the halfway mark in Parliament. Unless there is a dramatic change in the final declaration, the party is set to take charge.

2. Tarique Rahman expected to be Prime Minister

Party sources say Tarique Rahman will lead the new government. With the alliance securing a clear majority, his elevation now appears almost certain. Formal confirmation is expected after the Election Commission’s announcement.

3. Clear win in Dhaka-17

In Dhaka-17, Tarique secured 72,699 votes. His rival from Jamaat-e-Islami, S.M. Khaliduzzaman, received 68,300 votes. The Returning Officer announced the result on Friday morning.

4. Margin of 4,399 votes in the capital seat

Voting in Dhaka-17 took place across 125 centres, including postal ballots. Tarique won by 4,399 votes. The margin was not huge, but it was decisive.

5. Bogra-6 victory adds to momentum

Tarique was also unofficially elected from Bogra-6. He secured 216,284 votes from 150 centres. His nearest rival received 97,626 votes, putting the result beyond doubt in that constituency.

6. Confidence shown before counting

After voting on Thursday, Tarique had said he was “100 per cent hopeful” of victory. Speaking to reporters at the polling centre, he described the election as a long-awaited moment for the country.

7. Message from New Delhi

Prime Minister Narendra Modi congratulated Tarique Rahman on what he described as a decisive victory. In his message, PM Modi said India would continue to support a democratic and progressive Bangladesh.

8. A different political moment this time

This election feels different from the ones before it. Khaleda Zia is no longer here, and the Awami League did not take part in the contest. For many in Bangladesh, it marks the end of a long stretch of rivalry that shaped the country’s politics for decades.

9. Tarique’s background in politics

Tarique Rahman grew up in a political household. His father, Gen Ziaur Rahman, founded the BNP and later became president. Politics has been part of his life from the beginning. His mother, Khaleda Zia, led the country as prime minister in two separate terms.

10. Official word still pending

Despite the strong trend, the Election Commission has not yet issued its final declaration. Until that happens, the numbers remain unofficial.

Ousted former Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on Thursday termed the 13th Bangladesh National Parliament Elections a “well-planned farce”, claiming that people of the country rejected “the Awami League–free election”.

In a statement shared by her Awami League on, Hasina said, “According to the Election Commission’s briefing, by 11 a.m. – just three and a half hours into voting – only 14.96% of eligible voters had participated. This extremely low turnout clearly shows that the Awami League–free election was widely rejected by the people.”

Expressing her gratitude towards the people of the country for “rejecting” the polls, Hasina said that the “so-called election by Yunus, who seized power illegally and unconstitutionally, was essentially a well-planned farce.”

“The people’s voting rights, democratic values, and the spirit of the Constitution were completely disregarded in this deceptive, voter-less election conducted without the Awami League,” she added.

The former Bangladeshi PM alleged that polling centres were seized, votes were bought by distributing money and the stamping of ballots started a day before the polls.

She further highlighted the alleged targeting of Awami League voters and minority communities, claiming they were intimidated to cast their votes.

Bangladesh Parliamentary Election: Jamaat, BNP neck to neck in early trends; Counting of votes underway

“Even so, despite all threats and harassment, people rejected this fraudulent election, leaving most polling centers effectively empty,” she claimed.

Hasina also flagged “abnormal increases” in voter numbers in voter lists, especially in Dhaka city.

The Awami League leader demanded the cancellation of “this voter-less, illegal, and unconstitutional election” and resignation of “the murderous-fascist” Interim Government Chief Mohammad Yunus.

Hasina said that all political prisoners, including teachers, journalists, and intellectuals, must be released and the suspension on Awami League activities must also be revoked.

She also demanded “free, fair, and inclusive elections under a neutral caretaker government to restore the people’s voting rights.”

The high-stakes elections to the Bangladesh National Parliament were held on Thursday. The voting began at 7.30 am and continued till 4.30 PM. The counting of votes began shortly after the voting concluded.

According to officials, Tarique Rahman-led Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the Jamaat-led 11-party alliance were neck-to neck in early trends.

Ramakrishna-Vivekananda Vedanta literature worth more than Rs one crore were sold in the recently concluded 49th edition of International Kolkata Book Fair (IKBF).

This clearly shows that the popularity of the philosophy of Sri Ramakrishna, Swami Vivekananda and Vedanta is fast growing among the youths which constituted the majority of the visitors at the IKBF.

The Ramakrishna Mission centres that publish books including the Ramakrishna Mission Institute of Culture, Gol Park, Advaita Ashrama, Udbodhan, Saradapith had stalls at the IKBF.

The stall by Udbodhan, the Bengali publishing house of the Ramakrishna Math and Mission was designed after Nahabat of Dakshineswar where Ma Sarada lived till Sri Ramakrishna moved out of the temple complex to Kolkata for the treatment of cancer. There was a 10 per cent rise in the books sold by Udbodhan this year. It may be recalled that books worth more than Rs 9 lakh were sold on a day when Sri Mayer Padarpan Divas was celebrated in June 2025.

The visitors stood in long queues to get a copy of Chabite Sri Ramakrishna Kathamrita, painted by Ramananda Bandyopadhyay. The stall introduced a quirky yet profound section titled Ankibuki. This initiative aimed to weave Swami Vivekananda’s philosophy into everyday lifestyle products, proving that spirituality is not just for the prayer room, it is for the work desk and living room too.

The Proshnottari quiz which was conducted before the Book Fair online had evoked overwhelming response from the younger people. The Alochhaya photography event based on the theme Bahujana Hitaya Bahujana Sukhaya, “for the good of the many”. The photographs were displayed at the stall.

Swami Aryeshananda said: “As the dust settles on the 2026 book fair, Udbodhan stands as a testament to the fact that in an increasingly digital world, the craving for grounded, meaningful literature presented with a touch of artistic grace is only growing stronger.”

The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) on Thursday arrested a proclaimed offender who had been absconding since 2021 in connection with a post-poll violence case following the West Bengal Assembly elections that year.

The arrested accused has been identified as Nazir Hossen. According to a statement issued by the CBI on Thursday afternoon, he was apprehended from the residence of his father-in-law in North 24-Parganas district.

The CBI began investigating post-poll violence cases in the state following an order of the Calcutta High Court in 2021. In one such case, it was alleged that Nazir Hossen, in criminal conspiracy with other accused persons, surrounded Hasnur Zaman ~ a victim of the post-poll violence ~ on the morning of 2 May, 2021, while armed with firearms, hand bombs and iron rods.

For the second time, the accused in the Beldanga case could not be produced before the NIA Special Court, allegedly due to the absence of police escort despite court directions.

As many as 36 accused persons were scheduled to be produced before the NIA court in Kolkata on Thursday. However, sources said that the Murshidabad district police did not provide escort personnel, citing shortage of force as the Higher Secondary examinations commenced from Thursday. According to sources, the district police sent a ‘radiogram’ message to the Berhampore Central Correctional Home authorities stating that adequate police personnel were unavailable due to deployment for examination duty. As a result, the jail authorities reportedly sought permission to produce the accused virtually before the court.

This is the second instance in which the accused could not be physically produced before the NIA court, triggering allegations of non-cooperation in the high-profile case. Murshidabad had witnessed widespread unrest in early January following the alleged murder of a labourer whose body was found hanging. Tension escalated after the body was brought back to the district, leading to protests by local residents. Demonstrators blocked roads by burning tyres and also obstructed railway tracks near Maheshpur on the Sealdah-Lalgola section.

Protesters reportedly placed bamboo poles across the tracks, and a photograph of the deceased hanging from a bamboo structure surfaced during the agitation. Police personnel who reached the spot faced resistance from agitated locals. Members of the media were also allegedly attacked while covering the unrest. Subsequently, the investigation into the incident was handed over to the National Investigation Agency (NIA) following directions from a Division Bench of the Supreme Court comprising Chief Justice Surya Kant and Justice Joymalya Bagchi, which ordered a probe by the central agency. However, allegations have surfaced that the state authorities are not extending full cooperation to the NIA in the Beldanga case. Sources claimed that the accused, categorised as “high-risk prisoners,” could not be shifted from Berhampore jail to Kolkata due to the absence of police escort.

Thursday’s development has once again brought the issue of coordination between state police and central agencies into focus.

The first day of Higher Secondary examination, organised by the West Bengal Council of Higher Secondary Education passed off peacefully today.

Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee and Trinamul Congress national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee congratulated the examinees. Elaborate police arrangements were made to ensure that the candidates reached the examination centre without any trouble. The West Bengal State Transport Corporation had deployed more buses to facilitate the examinations.

This is the first 4th semester examination in the newly-introduced Higher Secondary examination pattern. The West Bengal Council of Higher Secondary has for the first time in the country introduced a semester system in the higher secondary level.

Afrida Khatun, a higher secondary examinee was on the verge of losing one year as she was unable to complete her examination formalities on time. She had to go to Mumbai to look after her ailing aunt. She was scared as she could not complete the academic formalities.

On getting this information, Abhishek Banerjee made arrangements to give her the admit card which had allowed her to sit for the examination. Afrida sat for the examination today and has expressed her gratitude to Mr Banerjee.

Trinamul Congress national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee, during his speech in Parliament had taken a hard stand on the Union Budget presented by Union finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman.

In a post on his X-handle, Abhishek thanked the FM for listening to his speech on the Budget. At the same time, he also wished that she should also listen to the demands of the people of the state about their pending dues.

“I thank Hon’ble Finance Minister @nsitharaman for so carefully listening to my speech. Though I wish she’d listen as carefully to the people of Bengal when they ask for their MGNREGA, PMAY, PMGSY and JJM dues. The Finance Minister says I ‘twisted facts.’ Let me untwist them for her.

“She’s absolutely right, there’s no GST on fresh liquid milk. But perhaps she hasn’t seen the mother who can’t afford fresh milk, who stretches her budget by mixing powdered milk for her infant. That powdered milk? 5% GST. Zero tax on what she can’t buy, 5% tax on what she’s forced to buy.

“She’s correct again, textbooks have no GST. But the graph paper a student uses for his/her math assignment? 12% GST. The laboratory notebook for the science practical? 12% GST. The crayons for the drawing class? 12% GST.

“On healthcare, she’s technically accurate as always; consultation and treatment are GST-free. But the oxygen cylinder that keeps a COVID patient alive? 12% GST. The insulin injection that prevents a diabetic from dying? 5% GST. The anesthesia for the surgery? 12% GST.

“And yes, funeral services are exempt. But the agarbatti we light for our departed? 5% GST. EVEN GRIEF HAS A PRICE TAG IN ‘NEW INDIA.’

“This, Honourable Finance Minister, is EXACTLY the problem I was highlighting. Until you understand the difference between what’s written in the GST Act and what’s written on a poor family’s grocery bill, you’ll keep living in your India while we live in ours. Thank you for proving my point better than I ever could,” he wrote on X.

Cross-border trade between India and Bangladesh was disrupted between Wednesday and Thursday as both countries decided to suspend movement across the international border in view of Bangladesh’s national elections being held on Thursday.

According to sources in the Union home ministry, the temporary closure was aimed at preventing any untoward incident and ensuring smooth conduct of the polls in the neighbouring country. As a result, import-export activities through various land ports, including Fulbari and Petrapole were affected. On an average, over a hundred trucks carrying goods cross the border daily. However, not a single truck was allowed to pass during the two-day suspension, dealing a blow to bilateral trade.

Shops and business establishments in the border areas also remained closed, leading to a subdued atmosphere. Trade between the two countries had earlier been hit following the ouster of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, which led to a spell of unrest in Bangladesh. Commercial activities were temporarily halted before resuming after the intervention of the interim government led by Muhammad Yunus. However, a section of traders alleged that trade volumes have not yet returned to previous levels. “With a stable government in place in Bangladesh, we hope that trade will regain its normal rhythm,” said Subhankar Naskar, an exporter at the Fulbari border.

Sources said security along the border has been tightened since Wednesday, with additional BSF personnel deployed and surveillance intensified to prevent infiltration or any cross-border disturbance during the election period. Traders now await the formation of a stable government in Dhaka, hoping it will restore confidence and boost bilateral commerce.

Italy registered its first-ever T20 World Cup victory with a dominant 10-wicket win over Nepal at Mumbai’s Wankhede Stadium on Thursday, thanks to an unbeaten 124-run opening partnership between brothers Justin and Anthony Mosca.

Italy head coach John Davison believes his side’s historic maiden victory at the ICC Men’s T20 World Cup could bring unprecedented attention to cricket in the football-dominated nation, saying the landmark win might even “knock the Winter Olympics off the back pages” of Italian sports coverage.

Reflecting on the emotional significance of the moment, Davison said the win meant a great deal to the players, many of whom were representing Italy at an ICC World Cup for the first time across any format.

“Overriding emotion, there were definitely a few tears in the guys’ eyes. It definitely meant a lot to a lot of guys out there, particularly the two Mosca boys,” Davison said during the post-match press conference. “It was a phenomenal effort in the field too. Game one nothing went our way, and today everything went our way, but it was a reflection on how brave we were.”

Speaking about the broader impact of the victory, Davison highlighted how rare such exposure is for cricket in Italy.

“This will be front-page news in many countries and many publications in Italy. I’m hoping it might knock the Winter Olympics off the back page of the sport. That would be unbelievable for cricket in the country and just bring some attention to us,” he added.

Captain Harry Manenti highlighted the diverse backgrounds of the squad, noting the strong connections between Italy, Australia, England, and South Africa.

“There are about a million people in Italy with Australian heritage. Our grandparents moved to Australia in the 1950s and 1960s. We also have connections with England and South Africa,” Manenti said.

“We bring a group of people from all over the world together, and they feel Italian straight away. That connection is pretty special.”

Manenti also revealed the financial realities faced by players.

“At least 12 of our 15 players make their living outside cricket. One of our players (Crishan Kalugamage) earns money making pizzas to fund his training,” he said.

Despite being ranked 27th before the tournament, Manenti stressed that Italy are determined to rise.

“We will always be the outsiders, and we love that. But we want to climb up, play more games, and create pathways for kids in Italy to dream of playing a World Cup,” he added.

Sachin Tendulkar hails Italy’s historic breakthrough

Indian batting legend Sachin Tendulkar congratulated Italy on their maiden T20 World Cup victory, calling it a testament to cricket’s global expansion.

“Congratulations to Italy on their first-ever T20 World Cup win, and in such commanding fashion! A proud footballing nation making its mark in cricket reminds us how beautifully the game is spreading across the globe,” Tendulkar wrote on X.

Congratulations to Italy on their first-ever T20 World Cup win, and in such commanding fashion!

A proud footballing nation making its mark in cricket reminds us how beautifully the game is spreading across the globe.

— Sachin Tendulkar (@sachin_rt) February 12, 2026

The Mosca brothers’ unbeaten 124-run opening stand was the highest partnership by siblings in T20 World Cup history, surpassing Pakistan’s Kamran and Umar Akmal’s 96-run stand in 2014. It was also just the third 100-plus opening partnership by an associate nation in T20 World Cup history.

The Election Commission of India (ECI) will hold a video conference with West Bengal’s Chief Electoral Officer and senior district administration officials on Friday to review the state’s preparedness for the upcoming Assembly elections, official sources said.

The meeting is scheduled to begin at 11 a.m. and will be attended by the state’s Chief Electoral Officer, district magistrates who also function as district election officers, police commissioners, district superintendents of police and central observers.

According to sources, the commission will carry out a detailed review of the overall election preparedness in the state, including the ongoing voter list revision process, administrative arrangements, law and order situation and the role and readiness of officials assigned election-related duties.

The interaction is part of a broader effort by the commission to tighten oversight ahead of the polls.

The ECI has already issued directions to intensify preparations in the state.

In recent weeks, activity has picked up on several critical fronts such as the publication of the final electoral rolls, transfer and appointment of officials, training of micro-observers and identification of counting centres.

Against this backdrop, the video conference is being seen as a key exercise to assess readiness at the district level.

Commission sources said that each district will be asked to submit a detailed report on the status of preparations.

District administrations may also be directed to address any gaps or shortcomings within a stipulated time frame.

Officials believe that the meeting could lead to the finalisation of several measures aimed at ensuring free, fair and peaceful elections in the state.

Sources further indicated that the commission is keen on conducting the Assembly elections in West Bengal in a single phase.

If preparations remain on track, the poll schedule is likely to be announced towards the end of March.

According to Election Commission of India sources, a delegation of the commission may visit the state in the beginning of March, followed by a visit of the commission’s full Bench later in the month.

Gopinath Ghosh, one of the most respected organisers in Bengal’s sporting fraternity, passed away at his residence on Wednesday night due to age-related ailments.

Ghosh, 87, breathed his last at around 10.45 p.m. on Wednesday night, leaving behind a rich legacy that spanned administration, sports development and cultural engagement.

Though he began his sporting life as an athlete, Ghosh later carved out a distinguished career as a sports administrator. He was closely associated with the Bengal Olympic Association, where he earned a reputation for integrity and efficiency, and played a significant role in the growth of several disciplines, particularly table tennis, in the state.

Interestingly, despite later heading the state table tennis association, Ghosh was a hockey player by training.

He represented Bengal at the national level and was a goalkeeper for leading clubs such as Mohun Bagan, East Indian Railway (EIR), and Customs.

He was part of teams that featured legendary Olympians like Keshav Dutt, Leslie Claudius and Gurubux Singh, and also had a Beighton Cup title to his credit.

In his administrative career, Ghosh served as treasurer of the Bengal Olympic Association and was actively involved with the Sutanuti Parishad in north Kolkata.

During the 1980s and 1990s, his partnership with Ravi Chakraborty in running state table tennis became widely known.

Under their stewardship, several players rose to prominence, including Ganesh Kundu, Arup Basak, Kishalay Basak, Nupur Santra, Mantu Ghosh, Anindita Chakraborty, Poulomi Ghatak and Mouma Das.

Ghosh’s passing away has left the Maidan and Bengal’s sporting community in deep mourning.

Early trends showed Jamaat-e-Islami and BNP slugging it out almost neck to neck in Bangladesh’s landmark general elections on Thursday as counting progresses.

Polls closed in Bangladesh on Thursday in a direct contest between Tarique Rahman’s Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and an 11-party alliance led by the resurgent Jamaat-e-Islami, after voting centers shut their gates at 4.30 pm.

Officials said early trends showed both parties were “neck to neck”, though situation would clear only when more trends were available.
While both parties blamed the other for “malpractices”, Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Shafiqur Rahman, told newspersons, “Whether others accept the results or not, we will accept it, Insha Allah,” indicating he was hoping for a victory.

Well-known television face Rumeen Farhana, who left BNP to fight the polls independently is leading in the Brahmanbaria-2 constituency. As of 8:30 pm, Farhana has received 9,648 votes from 12 polling centres, while her closest rival, BNP-alliance candidate Maulana Junaid Al Habib, has secured 6,745 votes.

While, Shishir Manir, Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami candidate in the Sunamganj-2 constituency has admitted defeat, stating in a facebook post, “Congratulations to Mr. Nasir Uddin Chowdhury, the BNP candidate, for winning in my constituency.”

After a sluggish morning, voters poured into polling stations across the capital of Dhaka and beyond, turning the tide in a high-stakes day at the ballot box.

While the final voting percentage is yet to be declared, vote counting has begun, officials said. Voter turnout reached nearly 48 per cent by 2 pm, they said.

These were the first election since an August 2024 student led protest toppled Sheikh Hasina’s government. The Election Commission (EC) has yet to receive voter turnout data from 6,620 polling centres across the country, the commission’s Senior Secretary Akhtar Ahmed said, explaining the delay in announcing voter turnout.

Counting which kicked off after polling ended, saw election workers painstakingly sorted through stacks of black-and-white paper ballots at centres spread throughout the country, inspecting each one by hand to ensure it was valid before adding it to the tally.

About 127 million people were registered to vote, including around 5 million first-time voters, in the South Asian nation of more than 173 million people. Nearly 44 per cent of the population, some 56 million people, are aged between 18 and 37.

Voters who had entered polling station premises before the deadline will be allowed to cast ballots under electoral rules, officials who briefed the press said.

Opinion polls have projected BNP leader Tarique Rahman as a frontrunner for prime minister. However, the Jamaat-led alliance, headed by party chief Shafiqur Rahman and including the National Citizen Party (NCP) formed by student leaders behind the 2024 uprising, is seen by analysts as capable of springing an upset.

Nearly one million police and soldiers were deployed nationwide to maintain law and order. Tarique Rahman called for the timely announcement of results amid reports of “irregularities”, while Jamaat’s Shafiqur Rahman alleged attempts to cast fake votes in different parts of the country.

BNP Election Steering Committee spokesperson Mahdi Amin claimed, “There is a clear and huge difference between BNP and rival political party,” and added that there were attempts “to threaten voters”. He appealed to partymen to “ensure that there is no irregularity in counting and announcing the results.”

In a Facebook post, the Jamaat leader said polling agents were being “attacked and wounded in various places… Women are being harassed.” He also alleged attempts to capture polling centres in several areas. The Election Commission secretary said it was reviewing Jamaat’s demand to suspend voting in nearly 100 centres in three constituencies.

However, after voting concluded, the head of Bangladesh’s interim government, Muhammad Yunus, said the “spontaneous participation of voters, the responsible conduct of political parties, the restraint shown by candidates, and the professionalism of all institutions collectively demonstrated our commitment to democracy.”

Former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, in a statement, dismissed the election as “a carefully planned farce”, saying it had been organised by Yunus, whom she accused of taking power through illegal means.

This is the first time since independence, that the party which led the country to freedom – Awami League was absent from the polls after being banned by the Yunu-led regime. Nearly a lakh of its leadersand supporters are in jail, while thousands are living as refugees outside Bangladesh.

After voting in Bangladesh ends, presiding officers seal ballot boxes in the presence of polling agents and separately account for unused ballots. Counting usually begins at polling centres, where officials reconcile ballots cast with voter lists before opening boxes and sorting ballots candidate-wise.

Ballots with unclear markings or multiple seals may be declared invalid under electoral rules, with presiding officers ruling on disputed votes. In Chattogram, voting concluded across all 16 constituencies in what local officials described as a “festive and peaceful atmosphere.”

A total of 115 candidates contested in the district, where 6,682,517 voters were eligible. In Khulna division, turnout reached 61 per cent across six parliamentary constituencies, according to Returning Officer and District Commissioner ASM Jamshaid Khandaker, one of the highest participation rates reported nationwide.

In the capital city of Dhaka, and its surrounding constituencies, the turnout varied substantially, generally ranging between the mid-30s and just above 50 per cent by late afternoon.

Final results were expected later by Friday.