With breathtaking beauty above and vast coal reserves below, Jharkhand’s Hazaribagh district plays a pivotal role in meeting India’s energy demands. Its deep-rooted history, diverse geography, and vibrant cultural fabric make it truly distinctive. Yet, the region also grapples with periodic communal tensions, adding another layer of complexity to its challenges.

A two-time MLA, Manish Jaiswal has now stepped into his role as a first-time Member of Parliament from Hazaribagh. In an exclusive conversation with Shashi Singh of The Statesman, he talks about his constituency’s most pressing challenges, potential solutions, Jharkhand’s political landscape, and national affairs.

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Q: How do you view your journey from being an MLA to MP? What differences do you feel in your role and responsibilities?

A: As a BJP worker, my commitment to the mantra of “Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwas” remains unwavering. As an MLA, my responsibilities were largely confined to addressing local issues. However, as an MP, my scope has expanded to the national level. Now, I am not only responsible for my parliamentary constituency but also for contributing to policy decisions and overall development. Our focus is on infrastructure, sports, culture, tradition, and job creation. Ensuring more opportunities for the youth is our priority. Government policies play a crucial role in this, but as public representatives, it is our duty to effectively raise people’s concerns and ensure solutions. My role has changed, my responsibilities have increased, but my dedication to service and the trust of the people remain my guiding principles.

Q: The BJP often talks about double-engine government, but Jharkhand currently has a ‘single-engine’ government. Do you think this is affecting the state’s development?

A: Absolutely, a double-engine government means that the central and state governments work together on a development agenda, enabling good governance and rapid progress. This is evident in BJP-ruled states like Uttar Pradesh and Assam, where strong leadership has brought significant improvements. In contrast, the current government in Jharkhand is entirely engaged in appeasement politics. Crime is at its peak – recent incidents in districts like Hazaribagh, Ramgarh, and Giridih are examples. Illegal activities like coal theft and sand looting are rampant, and the government is focused only on vote-bank politics. The security situation is deteriorating, with frequent stone-pelting incidents in Hazaribagh, Barkagaon, and other areas. Instead of maintaining law and order, the state government treats criminals and victims alike, fuelling further instability.

Q: The instability you mention – is it only a law-and-order issue, or is there something deeper?

A: It goes beyond law and order; it is also about corruption, administrative inaction, and vote-bank politics. Jharkhand was never as unstable as Uttar Pradesh in the past, where kidnapping and land grabbing had become industries. However, under the Yogi government, UP has made remarkable progress in tackling these issues. Here in Jharkhand, corruption is rampant, land grabbing is unchecked, and the administrative system is so complicated that a common citizen cannot get anything done without paying a bribe. Instead of making governance efficient, the government is catering to a selective vote bank. This is not just a Jharkhand-specific issue. Even in European nations like the UK, Germany, and France, we see how demographic changes and vote-bank politics influence policy decisions. Jharkhand is heading in the same direction.

Q: You are pointing towards demographic change which could impact Jharkhand’s tribal society. The ruling party, JMM, claims to represent tribal interests. If tribals do not survive, what happens to their politics? What is your party’s strategy?

A: The demographic shift in Jharkhand is not just statistical; it is a question of social and political existence. The same government that claims to be pro-tribal is enacting policies that push tribals to the margins. Reports suggest that over 10,000 acres of land have been taken over due to this demographic shift, threatening the cultural and social fabric of Jharkhand. The ruling party’s actions contradict its claims of protecting tribal rights. Our strategy is clear: we are raising this issue democratically, constitutionally, and on every platform. The people of Jharkhand must understand that this is not just a political issue – it is a battle for the state’s identity.

Q: The Jharkhand government claims that the Centre is discriminating against the state and withholding funds. Do you agree?

A: These claims are misleading. The state government says the Centre owes Jharkhand a large sum, but there is no direct financial due from there. The amount they refer to involves public sector undertakings like Coal India and SAIL, which follow legal financial processes. If the state genuinely believes it is owed funds, there are legal avenues to resolve disputes. Instead, the government is using these claims to create an anti-Centre narrative and cover up its own failures.

Q: The relationship between the state and central government is deteriorating. While your opponents have a majority in the assembly, your alliance dominates in the Lok Sabha. Isn’t it your responsibility to ensure better coordination?

A: Unfortunately, today’s opposition thrives on mindless opposition. Constructive criticism has been replaced by a tendency to oppose everything, even good initiatives. Comparing governance from 2004–2014 to 2014–2024, the progress is evident – be it in banking, infrastructure, anti-corruption measures, or social schemes. Yet, some parties are fixated on conflict rather than collaboration. State-Centre coordination is not just a government’s responsibility; all public representatives must play a role. Misinformation is a major issue. Take Karnataka, where the Congress tried to grant reservations based on religion despite it being unconstitutional. BJP’s stance is clear – we deliver on promises, be it Article 370, Ram Mandir, or UCC. In Jharkhand, we are committed to development. Our MPs ensure central schemes are implemented effectively, but if the state government chooses conflict over progress, it is the people who suffer. We believe in developmental politics, not confrontation. If the state government is willing to work together, we are ready to support. But if they continue playing divisive politics, Jharkhand will pay the price.

Q: With the opposition’s freebies, isn’t the BJP also under pressure to follow suit?

A: The key difference is planning. We ensure financial backing before announcing schemes. Take Chhattisgarh’s Mahatari Vandan Yojana — Rs 1,000 assistance is being given, yet the state’s tax revenue grew by Rs 7,000 crore, ensuring continued development. In contrast, the JMM government announces schemes without financial planning, neglects infrastructure, and fuels social division. Benefits are being selectively granted to specific communities, excluding others. Lakhs of names have been removed from welfare schemes, exposing biased governance. Welfare policies should be inclusive, not political tools. The current divisive approach will have long-term negative consequences for Jharkhand.

Q: Hazaribagh has always been central to India’s coal industry. What are the major issues affecting this sector, and what role do you see for yourself in solving them?

A: Just recently, coal traders approached me, complaining about the surge in coal theft and black market sales. Stolen coal is being sold at lower prices, which affects legitimate businesses and leads to massive revenue losses for the government. The same issue exists with sand mining. For five years, the state government has promised to auction mining rights but nothing has happened. If the government cannot conduct auctions, it should at least allow locals to use sand for free. Currently, the price of sand has skyrocketed from Rs 5,000 to Rs 25,000, making it unaffordable for people building homes under government schemes. We have been raising these issues repeatedly, but the government has failed to act.

Q: There is widespread resentment over discrepancies in compensation and rehabilitation for people displaced by mining and infrastructure projects. You have raised this issue in Parliament. What needs to change?

A: Displacement uproots families – not just economically, but socially and emotionally. Compensation alone is not enough; the government must ensure displaced families receive employment and sustainable livelihoods. The biggest issue is lack of uniformity in rehabilitation policies. Some companies offer better compensation, while others provide minimal support, leading to local resentment. I have raised this in Parliament, demanding a standardized policy so that all displaced families receive fair compensation and guaranteed employment. This is not just an economic issue but a matter of justice and dignity. My fight will continue until we bring consistency and fairness to these policies.

Q: Recently, Jharkahnd Chief Minister Hemant Soren met with industrialists like Mukesh Ambani and Gautam Adani. Do you think the government is serious about attracting investment?

A: The government is good at photo-ops, but the reality on the ground tells a different story. Industrialists do not invest just because of meetings— they need policy stability, security, and administrative efficiency. Jharkhand lacks all three. Tata started in Jamshedpur, but why hasn’t Jharkhand attracted another major industry since? Today, iron from Jharkhand is being sent to Gujarat, where cars are manufactured. This shows our failure to build an investor-friendly ecosystem. Instead of summits and meetings, the government should focus on policy reforms, security, and ease of doing business. If we can fix these basics, industries will come naturally.