Suhrawardy and Partition

I n the 1946 election, though the Hindu Mahasabha opposed Congress in 26 general seats, it polled only 2.73 per cent of the total Hindu vote and won only one seat, which was a special Reserved University seat from where Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee (1901-53) was elected unopposed. “It was not a support for secular nationalism” pointed out Joya Chatterji “but rather against Hindu communalism”.

The general understanding was that the Congress was in a much better position than the Hindu Mahasabha in protecting the interests of Bengali Hindus. The election brought the Muslim League back to power in Bengal under the Prime Minister-ship of Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy (1892-1963). The anti-Muslim feeling was enhanced by his role during the Bengal famine as it was believed that 4 million people perished because of his negligence and corruption. Suhrawardy did not believe in elite accommodation and did away with the principle of parity of Hindus and Muslims in ministry formation. Pakistan-isation of Bengal looked certain. The Bengali Hindus were terrified at the prospect of becoming second-class citizens as Muslims constituted 54 per cent of Bengal’s population, similar to the Muslim feeling of being a permanent minority within the national movement with Hindus as the permanent majority.

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A number of prominent Bengali intellectuals, Jadunath Sarkar, Ramesh Chandra Majumdar, Meghnad Saha, Sisir Kumar Mitra and Suniti Kumar Chatterji sent a telegram on 7 May to the Secretary of State expressing lack of confidence in Suhrawardy’s ministry and called for a separate Hindu Bengal. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, earlier a champion of unity of Bengal, now veered towards a separate entity for the Hindus. The suspicion was enhanced when Suhrawardy declared that 16 August, the Direct Action Day, would be a public holiday. Much more significant was his threat of complete independence for Bengal.

His demand for an independent Bengal was because of his opposition to the Congress being the sole party at the Centre, bypassing the Muslim League’s claims. The threat of Pakistan-izing Bengal got further entrenched and the savagery of the 16 August followed. There is little doubt that Suhrawardy bore the responsibility for this inhuman action and as Joya Chatterji pointed out “Hindu leaders were also deeply implicated, a fact which is less well known. More Muslims than Hindus died in the fighting”. But this is only the first phase of the development. By 10 May 1947, the fact that India would be partitioned was more or less accepted by both the Congress and the Muslim League.

During this crucial time, Suhrawardy sent an emissary, Maulavi Abul Hasan, MLA and his close confidant, to meet Mahatma Gandhi at Sodhpur, near Calcutta where Gandhi was staying. Suhrawardy was getting alarmed at the terrible consequences awaiting the partition of Bengal as a consequence of the division of India between India and Pakistan. To avoid the ill effects of Bengal’s partition Suhrawardy proposed to Gandhi that instead of dividing India into two, it should be divided into three, India, Pakistan and a United Bengal. Hasan met Gandhi to prepare the ground for a discussion with Suhrawardy.

He told Gandhi that if India was divided into two, Pakistan also would have to be divided into two, West and East Pakistan. He stated that religion united the Bengali Muslims with those in West Pakistan but there were wide differences between the two groups in food habits, social interaction, culture, and language. There were no common points. Added to this, was a suspicion that West Pakistanis would dominate over East Pakistanis which was unacceptable to the Bengalis. As such, a united Bengal would be beneficial for both Hindus and Muslims who had several common practices and interests other than religion. Gandhi patiently heard Hasan and asked for a few clarifications.

The next two days, 11 and 12 May, Suhrawardy met Gandhi and acquainted Gandhi with his proposal. Gandhi replied that such a proposal could not be imposed forcibly on any community and added significantly, that after the happenings in Noakhali, Calcutta and Bihar, there was a total breakdown in communication leading to total distrust between the two communities. Suhrawardy acknowledged this difficulty and added that when he proposed a united Bengal the Muslims were receptive but the Hindus rejected it outright though a few Hindu leaders heard him out.

Gandhi replied that he would put in his efforts to convince the Hindus provided Suhrawardy could work out a non-violent mechanism of keeping both the communities together and offered to be his secretary to help him. Suhrawardy considered it a strange proposal and requested Gandhi for some time to think about it. Gandhi in a letter to Suhrawardy which was delivered on the morning of 13 May 1947 stated “I recognise the seriousness of the position in Bengal in the matter of partition.

If you are absolutely sincere in your professions and would disabuse me of all the suspicion against you and you would always retain Bengal for the Bengalis – Hindus and Mussulmans, intact by non-violent means, I am quite willing to act as your Honorary private secretary and live under your roof till Hindus and Muslims begin to live as brothers that they are”. Nirmal Kumar Bose, a close associate of Gandhi, commented on this historic meeting after 18 years, much before 1971.

The fears expressed by Suhrawardy and Hasan were proved right. There was a total domination of West Pakistan over East Pakistan in all important spheres like trade and employment. Bose praised the two Bengali Muslim leaders for clearly comprehending the ill effects of partition on Bengal and cautioned both the Muslims and the Hindus but unfortunately the leadership at the time did not accept the warning. Maulana Azad had predicted that no nation could sustain only on a single religious identity. Pakistan was dismembered into two in 1971.

(The writer is a retired Professor of Political Science, University of Delhi)