Xi’s script


With global economies and communities still reeling under the crippling weight of the Covid-19 pandemic that started from China, the scale of the 100th anniversary celebration of the founding of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was almost mocking in its temerity. While propaganda is an irreplaceable and invaluable tool in the hands of authoritarian regimes to ‘control’ the essential narrative, no example comes as close to the success of propaganda as that of Xi Jinping’s China.

Symbolism of confidence, assertion and future were at the heart of the highly orchestrated display of purpose as Xi spoke of ‘Making China Great again’, in the backdrop of impressive fly-pasts and marches, 56 guns firing 100 times and release of 100,000 eco-friendly balloons and doves. A fiery, defiant and intimidatory show of steely resolve was omnipresent.

Behind the puerile display of self-congratulatory tonality for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) for creating the ‘great wall of steel’, the foremost thought that haunted the CCP top brass was clearly visible ~ fears of a popular uprising leading to regime change, and its accompanying insecurities. Xi Jinping’s words echoed the desperation to equate the perpetuity of CCP to China’s prosperity, “China’s success hinges on the Party…. without the Communist Party of China, there would be no new China and no national rejuvenation”.

The continuum of China’s manifest destiny was carefully stitched weaving the past, present and the inevitable glories that awaited ~ towards the same, the ever-evolving admixture of Chinese nationalism, coercion, control, and purge was ubiquitous.

There was no hesitation or awkwardness imagined to curate the national sentiment, as the revered and ancient Chinese texts sanctify the leader’s, ‘Mandate of Heaven’. So, besides hailing its first centenary goal of building a ‘moderately prosperous society’ for all, the focus shifted towards drumming nativist passions by insisting that it would not get ‘bullied, oppressed or subjugated’ and that it would not accept ‘sanctimonious preaching’ from anyone. The wary instinct of protectionism was palpable, and all-pervasive.

To the credit of the Chinese Communist Part, unlike the more intransigent and doctrinaire forms of residual communism in the world, it has managed to evolve and incorporate the topical aspirations of societies, whilst still retaining the levers of ‘control’ and denial. The tokenism of concluding the ceremony with ‘The Internationale’ or invoking the foundational legacy of Mao Zedong, with images of him looking into the skies in a theatrical fashion (despite having the blood of over 40 million Chinese on his hands, with programmes like Cultural Revolution and Great Leap famine, notwithstanding), Xi’s phraseology and vision reflects the burning desires of ‘today’s generation’, and therefore his supreme ability to ensure ‘connect’ with the masses, who no longer suffer the wounds of the past. His hybrid model of governance may even look contradictory ~ but China is determined to showcase a muscular, integrated, and efficacious face of ‘State Capitalism’.

In times like the pandemic, Xi Jinping’s ability to muster resources, action and focus as a one-party state is unmatched, leading him to mock US and other democracies for their ostensible failures. Yet the celebrations with the carefully vetted crowds, picture-perfect images of cultural performances, weaponry of unprecedented stealth and reach, could barely mask the nervous tension that besets the Chinese undercurrents.

Cues of Chinese popular passions were resonating in Xi’s speech, both in what he did mention, and in what he did not. While the Chinese PLA (People’s Liberation Army) is a unique phenomenon as the military of a political party, it did posthumously honour a PLA soldier, Chen Hongjun, who was amongst the several who died in the clash with Indian forces, at Galwan, last year. Even then, the delayed acceptance of its own casualties after the initial denials, was a typical attempt of ‘controlling’ the narrative ~ now, this soldier was one of the 29, awarded the ‘July 1 medal’ for his ostensible efforts to, ‘stay true to the original aspiration and dedicate everything, even the precious life, to the cause of the party and people’.

Other than this event preceding the main celebrations, there was no specific mention or allusion to India, despite the fractured reality. This signifies a far less-than-glorious Chinese performance during the violent standoff, as indeed, suggestions of an amoral, expansionist and intimidatory image that could militate against the one Xi was desperately cultivating. This also signified the limited traction in ‘enemyfying’ India, vis-à-vis other options available.

The core of Xi’s international focus and wrath revolved around the ‘US and Western organisations’, confirming his principal adversarial concerns and outlook. The gentle cooption of Russian history and import of Communism to China was telling in its strategic outreach and dynamics. On the simmering tensions in Hongkong and Macau, Xi confirmed, ‘We will stay true to the letter and spirit of the principle of One Country, Two Systems’, and on the most contentious issue of Taiwan, he reiterated, ‘Resolving the Taiwan question and realizing China’s complete reunification is a historic mission and an unshakable commitment of the Communist Party of China’, knowing fully well the reaction it would elicit, domestically and internationally.

The deliberate play of words to cherry pick some, whilst not intending to carry forward the same in letter and spirit was visible, when he posited the hybrid Chinese model with the assurance to continuously work to ‘develop whole-process people’s democracy’ ~ this when the illiberalities, intolerances and impulses of ‘control’ have regressed to the levels of earlier decades.

Obviously, there was no mention of the elephant in the room as far as the international community was concerned, that is the incarcerated Uyghur minorities, as that expectedly did not suit the projected storyline.

Reaffirmation of its Belt and Road Initiative (without addressing the growing international concerns on its ‘debt-trap’ inevitabilities) was undertaken, as was the ponderous promise to continue, ‘building of a human community with a shared future’!

In all Xi Jinping stuck to the expected script with shades of grandstanding, grandiloquence, and barely veiled intimidations, which were not lost on anyone. The neologism of an emerging ‘Chinese Century’ with the usual filters to hide blemishes, blunders and insecurities marked the day ~ more of the same is to be expected going forward from a no-longer-shy China.