Uttar Pradesh has long been a canvas of contrasts. On the one hand the biggest political and social movements and reforms originated here, churning out women of substance who led India’s freedom struggle and fight against patriarchy and misogyny, but on the other hand women of UP had to suffer subjugation and second-class treatment due to the capitulation of our political system before a vote bank. One stark reality that cast a long shadow over women in UP was a blanket ban on night shifts that confined them to the daylight hours, symbolizing not just legal hurdles but a deeper societal cage. Before 2017, under the ironclad grip of Section 66(1)(b) of the Factories Act, 1948, no woman could step into a factory after 7 p.m., regardless of her willingness or the safeguards in place.
This nationwide edict, born from post-independence protective intent, morphed into a barrier, stifling women’s economic mobility in a state where industries in Noida, Kanpur and Lucknow churned through the night. Women, eager for better wages and flexible hours, found themselves sidelined, their ambitions dimmed by dusk. This was Uttar Pradesh before Yogi Adityanath assumed the mantle of Chief Minister in 2017 – a state where female labour force participation languished at a mere 14.7 per cent in 2011-12, far below the national average, according to National Sample Survey Office data. The narrative was one of limitation: women could not venture out after 5 p.m. without risking their safety. Fast-forward to 12 November 2025, and the landscape has flipped. The Uttar Pradesh Factories Amendment Act by the Yogi government, has shattered the ban.
Women can now work night shifts from 7 p.m. to 6 a.m. across all factories, including the 29 categories that were once off-limits. But this is not a thoughtless leap – it is calculated empowerment, anchored in consent, doubled wages and ironclad safety. Explicit written consent is mandatory, registered with the state labour department, ensuring there is no coercion. At the core is the “Kavach” protocol – a fortress of security. Factories must install CCTV with 24/7 monitoring, deploy trained guards, and provide GPS-tracked, door-to-door transport. Restrooms and routes are surveilled, welfare amenities like food, water, and medical aid are non-negotiable and no shift runs with fewer than four women for collective vigilance. Violations invite heavy penalties, from fines to shutdowns.
This is not mere policy; it’s a revolution, transforming UP from a state of prohibitions to one of possibilities. As one Noida factory owner put it, “Women are lining up – it’s not just jobs; it’s dignity with a paycheck. The shift echoes a broader metamorphosis under Yogi: from fear to freedom, where women’s night-time toil signals not vulnerability but victory. This evolution is no accident; it is the fr uit of a zero -tolerance law-and-order overhaul that has made such boldness feasible. When Yogi took office, UP was synonymous with chaos – mafia dons like Atiq Ahmed and Mukhtar Ansari held sway, their tentacles in politics, crime and even women’s subjugation. Crimes against women surged: in 2016, under the Samajwadi Party (SP) regime, UP reported 4,161 rapes and 16,199 molestations, as per NCRB data, with conviction rates a dismal 2-3 per cent.
The SP’s tenure was marred by patronage: criminals were shielded as vote banks, with leaders like Mulayam Singh Yadav infamously declaring, “Boys will be boys – they make mistakes,” opposing death penalties for rapists. Akhilesh Yadav’s government was accused of diluting cases – rapists roamed free, emboldened by political cover. Even today, Akhilesh critiques safety reforms as “showmanship,” allegedly prioritizing minority vote banks over justice, as seen in their defense of accused in high-profile cases. Contrast this with Yogi’s iron fist. Over 200 encounter killings, thousands of mafia arrests and a bulldozer policy against illicit assets have reclaimed streets. Women’s safety metrics tell the tale: UP’s conviction rate for crimes against women hit 71 per cent in 2022 – four times the national 18 per cent average – and has held steady, topping NCRB charts for four years. In 2022 alone, there were 13,099 convictions from 37,551 cases, over a third of India’s total. Initiatives such as Mission Shakti – deploying 1,694 Anti-Romeo squads, 9,000 women police beats and helplines – have slashed reporting-to-conviction gaps.
Rape cases dropped 11.6 per cent from 2019-20, molestation rates fell to 9 per cent. Yogi’s “zero tolerance” is not rhetoric; its results, enabling women to clock in at midnight without dread. This security bedrock has unlocked gender justice, a cornerstone of the CM’s vision. The night shift policy is not isolated; it is part of a tapestry weaving equality into UP’s fabric. Women’s workforce participation climbed to 21.7 per cent by 2022-23, as per a Periodic Labour Force Survey, buoyed by skill programs and incentives. It is a big step: from SP-era indifference – where Akhilesh Yadav arrogantly dismissed safety pleas from women journalists with “you’re safe, why worry?” – to proactive empowerment.
Yogi’s UP frames night work as choice, not charity, challenging patriarchal norms. Economically, it means doubled earnings. Socially, it dismantles the “after 5 p.m. taboo,” fostering respect. This is empowerment in action, women as economic pillars, not protected relics. Yogi’s progressivism shines brighter against SP’s regressive shadow. The SP opposed the 2019 Triple Talaq Bill, labeling it “anti-Muslim” despite its aim to criminalize instant divorce, leaving women destitute. They resisted the Women’s Reservation Bill, trying to stall 33 per cent quotas in legislatures for vote-bank math. Akhilesh Yadav and others called the Uniform Civil Code “divisive,” ignoring how it could end polygamy and halala, practices trapping women.
Even now, they shield accused rapists in cases of their own leaders, prioritizing caste alliances over justice. This women-first ethos mirrors the BJP’s national blueprint under PM Narendra Modi, where policies orbit around “Nari Shakti.” From Beti Bachao Beti Padhao (BBBP) – launched in 2015, improving sex ratios nationally – to Ujjwala’s 10 crore+ gas connections slashing health risks for women, PM Modi’s schemes are transformative. Swachh Bharat built 11 crore toilets, ending open defecation that endangered women’s dignity. Nal Se Jal piped water to 13 crore households, freeing women from hours fetching it. Jan Dhan opened 50 crore accounts, 56 per cent of them of women, injecting Rs 2 lakh crore in deposits. Mudra loans empowered 70 per cent women entrepreneurs; PMAY registered 75 per cent houses in women’s names.
Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam reserves 33 per cent parliamentary seats for women, a BJP triumph after decades of delays. CM Yogi amplifies this. UP’s Kanya Sumangala Yojana aids 26 lakh girls with Rs 15,000 from birth to graduation; pensions reach 1 crore women at Rs 12,000 yearly. Gujarat’s Beti Voucher (Rs 10,000 savings for girls) and 33 per cent job quotas; Maharashtra’s Ladki Bahin Yojana (Rs 1,500 monthly aid), and Bihar’s (under NDA ally Nitish) 50 per cent panchayat reservations, 35 per cent government jobs for women, and 10 lakh SHGs via Jeevika aren’t siloed schemes.They are symbiotic, from PM Modi’s vision to state execution. As factories in UP work till dawn, UP’s women aren’t just working – they are rewriting rules. This is the transformation in Yogi’s UP with a future where women do not just participate, they propel.
(The writer is National Spokesperson of the Bharatiya Janata Party.)