A few kilometres past the city limits along the Basanti Highway, a modest tea stall with tinned roof offers a telling snapshot of Bhangar’s political reality. Party flags of both the Indian Secular Front (ISF) and Trinamul Congress flutter side by side. Ask for directions to Chaltaberia, and the shopkeeper, after a quick glance at the “Press” sticker on the car, quips: “You’re heading where the bombs went off, right?”
In Bhangar, such responses are not unusual. Locals have grown accustomed to identifying official vehicles as harbingers of trouble ~ clashes, crude bomb explosions, or worse. Violence has long defined the constituency’s political narrative, and even as another Assembly election looms, the heat shows little sign of dissipating. The constituency gained prominence in 2021 when ISF opened its account in the Assembly, with Nausad Siddiqui defeating the Trinamul candidate. Siddiqui secured approximately 1,09,000 votes, while Trinamul polled around 83,000, giving ISF a margin of nearly 26,000 votes, a significant upset that altered the local political equation.
However, Siddiqui’s victory has not translated into a perceptible shift in law and order, allege residents. On the contrary, many claim that incidents of violence have increased. The state administration, aware of Bhangar’s volatile reputation, initiated a major policing overhaul in 2024. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee brought nearly 125 sq km of Bhangar under the jurisdiction of Kolkata Police, creating a new division with six police stations and a dedicated traffic guard. According to Lalbazar sources, the move has yielded results. Internal assessments suggest a 27 per cent decline in overall crime and a 37 per cent drop in accidents since the transition. A separate detective wing has also been set up, intensifying surveillance on known troublemakers. Yet, police insiders attribute Bhangar’s unrest less to conventional crime and more to entrenched political rivalries.
At the heart of this conflict lies a prolonged turf war ~ on one side the ISF, and on the other, networks once controlled by Arabul Islam, a dominant figure in the area’s political landscape for years. Interestingly, Arabul has now switched allegiance to the ISF ahead of the upcoming polls, adding another layer of complexity. Siddiqui, however, dismisses allegations against his camp. “Those behind the violence are Trinamul-backed miscreants. Police records will confirm this. I have consistently raised people’s issues both inside and outside the Assembly,” he maintains. The ruling party counters sharply. Trinamul leaders equate ISF’s strategies with that of the BJP, accusing both of relying on religious polarisation. With an eye on reclaiming lost ground, the party has fielded Saokat Molla, a sitting MLA from Canning East.
Tasked with unseating Siddiqui, Molla asserts, “Bhangar’s identity has been reduced to bomb and gun politics. People are tired of it. This election will bring change, driven by development.” Electoral arithmetic offers a nuanced picture. In 2016, Trinamul commanded nearly 50 per cent vote share, which dropped to around 34 per cent in 2021, paving the way for ISF’s victory.
The BJP, though increasing its share from 4 per cent in 2016 to about 17 per cent in 2021, remains a marginal player in terms of winning prospects. As Bhangar heads into another election, the contest appears largely bipolar. For Trinamul, the challenge lies in consolidating its lost vote bank. For ISF, retaining its foothold amid rising administrative intervention will be the key. For the voters in Bhangar, the choice may ultimately hinge on a simple question: whether the next mandate can finally replace the echo of explosions with the promise of stability.