The ongoing tussle in the Yadav household at Kalidas Marg, Lucknow, is more than the simple narrative of a father-son fight for leadership and assertion. It is testimony to the inevitable winds of change, from the foundational ‘Samajwadi’ moorings to the necessity of appealing to the Uttar Pradesh of 2017. Over the years, much water has flown down the Gomti cutting through the city of Nawabs and there is a waning ideological connect of the electorate to the symbolism of the Ram Manohar Lohia inspired ‘socialist society’ envisaged by Mulayam Singh Yadav. A certain tension of spirits has engulfed and divided the two warring factions, and willy-nilly, the overwhelming public perception is that of an old guard hell-bent on perpetuating yesteryear policies versus the youthful alternative of the same principle. It is not just the socio-economic evolution and churn that is defining the party’s fault lines, as there is also a vortex of palace intrigue, replete with competing internal ambitions, that is tearing apart the carefully cultivated formula of the provincial success of the Samajwadi Party. 
The Australia-educated Chief Minister, Akhilesh Yadav, has been trying to contemporize the winning formula beyond the familiar calculus of the ‘MY’ factor (Muslim and Yadav combine or the ‘Mullah Mulayam’ legacy), courting of dubious strongmen and the assorted array of crony capitalists, power brokers and satrap bureaucrats who have traditionally held sway in Lucknow. The party’s ‘Hindi’ overdrive has taken a backseat in recent times with ‘development’ emerging as the principal leitmotif of the incumbent Chief Minister ~ the sheer optics of free laptops instead of the usual freebies has an embedded message of a generational shift (15 lakh laptops were distributed to intermediate students). Flagship projects like the Lucknow Metro, IT City, international standard sports stadium, Gomti beautification and the new state highways are proffered as symbols of modern and effective governance. This carefully charted change of course had to withstand multiple rebukes from within, with Mulayam Singh Yadav himself warning Akhilesh to “perform or perish”, and the Chief Minister gently tip-toeing and side-stepping the frequent lashings with a politically correct “Netaji is the leader of the party and can express his displeasure if he is not satisfied with the performance of the government”.
The apparent civility in the father-son conduct barely concealed the more pertinent and irreconcilable differences on critical matters like portfolios for ministers, ticket-disbursement and the appointment of chosen bureaucrats. The fuse would snap between the two groups with each teasing and testing the political might of the other. The impending state election of 2017 has blown the lid off the simplistic stand of ‘internal family matters’, to a full-blown and decisive winner-takes-all confrontation between the two groups.
Undoubtedly, Mulayam Singh Yadav has singularly carved the space, relevance and formula of this winning electoral outfit since its inception in 1992, but a new reality and set of aspirations loom on the Gangetic plains. The cruel tides of time had similarly relegated the geriatric guard of the BJP to the confines of the ‘Margdarshak Mandal’, as the need arose within the new dispensation to assert its new order, rules and outlook. The passing of the baton has been relatively gradual and consensually deliberate in other parties like the Congress, National Conference, etc. However, wherever there has been an extended ‘family’ angularity to leadership options (as opposed to a single claimant), the accompanying tussle has been a lot more vexatious e.g. Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (uneasy truce between the Stalin and Alagiri factions), Akali Dal (with cousin and one-time confidante Manpreet Badal breaking away), Shiv Sena (again, with cousin and supposed heir-apparent, Raj Thackeray breaking away).
The wily party-bearers, law makers and ticket-aspirants are quick to notice the shifting sands and are struggling to reconcile themselves to the reality of Mulayam Singh Yadav’s role in single-handedly propping up the party and the concerned individuals themselves, yet, recognising the need to throw their political weight behind the group that is ‘packaged’ in keeping with the times, even if it means going against the creator of the initial movement. When it comes to pass, ‘family disputes’ reach a stage of inevitable irreconcilability and the break-ups (despite some meek and half-hearted efforts to deny them) are usually more permanent, conclusive and sought-after by the dominant stakeholders involved. The larger spectrum of the electorate also reads the writing on the wall and usually ignores the romance and emotionality of the pain in a reluctant generational shift.
The bogey of ‘youth’ in Indian politics has ensured that it is not necessarily a guarantee towards any fundamental change from the previous styles of veteran leaders. Much was expected from Mehbooba Mufti, Omar Abdullah, Ashok Chavan and Agatha Sangma but they could not establish a perceptible difference or impression of positive change in governance style. Akhilesh follows in the footsteps of a rare ‘youth’ success in Naveen Patnaik (took over as Chief Minister aged 54), who overcame his political hesitation and initial inability to speak the local language by persisting doggedly and sensitively, to ensure that the transition and evolution was widely accepted by the initially tentative electorate. Akhilesh’s invoking of a “tough decision” to “protect the ones you love”, and thereby justifying his elevation to the supremacy of the Samajwadi Party, belies the obvious confidence that he senses from the mood of the overwhelming cadre and is therefore more brazen in settling the dispute in his absolute favour.
Whatever be the reasons or compulsions for Mulayam Singh Yadav to support his brother Shivpal Yadav over his own son, Akhilesh has deftly moved away to a new public position wherein he would be spared the expected taints and accusations of individual culpability that are sure to fly as the fight gets more personal and dirty. The Samajwadi Party brand has slowly evolved to brand Akhilesh Yadav.
However, with the recurring images of a warring clan dominating the state headlines and the recent show of strength at the huge BJP rally in Lucknow coupled with the relatively stable vote bank of BSP, the timing for Akhilesh’s coronation could not have been worse. A possible tie-up with the Congress (already alluded to by him) could statistically keep him in the fray for the state elections, though as far as the party is concerned, the die is almost cast. Samajwadi Party cadres who owe their political existence and positions to the old guard are caught between honouring the past and securing their future. In circa 2017, the head rules over the heart.

(The writer is Lt Gen PVSM, AVSM (Retd), Former Lt Governor of Andman and Nicobar Island and Puducherry)